THE HISTORY
OF THE
GOVERNORS OF EGYPT
BY
ABU UMAR MUHAMMAD IBN YUSUF AL-KINDI
EDITED FROM A UNIQUE MANUSCRIPT
IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM
BY
NICHOLAS AUGUST KOENIG, Ph.D.
CONTRIBUTIONS TO ORIENTAL HISTORY AND PHILOLOGY
No. II.
THE HISTORY
OF THE
GOVERNORS OF EGYPT
_
ABU ‘UMAR MUHAMMAD IBN YUSUF AL-KINDI
EDITED FROM A UNIQUE MANUSCRIPT
IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM
BY
NICHOLAS AUGUST KOENIG, Ph.D.
SOMETIME FELLOW IN SEMITIC LANGUAGES AT COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
PART I
Jgnrfe
THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
1908
All rights reserved
PRINTED BY G. KREYSING, LEIPZIG, GERMANY
To RICHARD GOTTHEIL, Ph.D.
PROFESSOR OF SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY.
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2017 with funding from
Princeton Theological Seminary Library
https://archive.org/details/historyofgoverno01alki
Note
Al-KindTs “Annals of the Rulers of Egypt” during the first three
centuries of Mohammedan rule, is one of the chief authorties for the history
of the Arab conquerors in the land of the Pharaos. For many years the
unique manuscript of his work has lain unused in the British Museum and
has not been made accessible to scholars. In the winter of 1905 — 1906,
I suggested to Dr. Nicholas A. Koenig that he make a careful study of
the text upon the basis of photographs which I had procured and that he
prepare it for publication. I was able to place at his disposal also my
own copies of the same author’s “History of the Cadis of Egypt” (now
in the press) and of the Raf‘ al-Isr lan qudcit Misr of Ibn Hajar copied
from a ms. in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris. The present publication
contains the first part of this text, and it is to be followed as soon as
practicable by the remaining portions. Dr. Koenig has gathered together
whatever quotations from al-Kindfs “Annals” were to be found in the
works of later writers, and has in this manner been able to control the
readings of his manuscript in various places. The difficulty, however,
remains of having to reconstruct a readable text upon the basis of a single
manuscript. Dr. Koenig has, with much dilligence and with distinguished
success made this reconstruction, and in the introduction has, for the first
time, given a complete account of the literary labours of his author.
Columbia University, New York
April 1908.
Richard Gottheil
Introduction.
I.
Among the numerous sciences known to the Muhammadan world, history
may be said to play one of the most important parts. The subject is
treated from various standpoints. The chief one, naturally, is the chronicling
of events which have taken place throughout the world from its creation
to the writer’s time.1 A second deals with a specific country. This may
cover every phase of the government’s administration and relations with
foreign states from the formation of the state to whatever date the writer
may choose to carry it down.2 Then again we find a still further narrowing
down to certain dynasties. Side by side with this may be placed the
histories of separate districts and cities of a country.3 Indeed, an account
of the holders of a public office, which at times borders on a biographical
dictionary, is likewise termed a history.4 To this class a history of the
governors of Egypt, called the Tasmiyat Wulat Misr written by Abu ‘Umar
Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Kindl may be said to belong.
Few facts of this author’s life are known. According to the short
biography added to the manuscript containing his history of the Egyptian
governors and that found in Maqnzl’s muqaffa,5 al-Kindl, whose full name
1 See p. 23 f. — 2 Broekelmann , Gesch. Arab. Lit., I, 335, No. 5. —
3 Broekelmann, Gesch. Arab. Lit., I, 149, No. 6; Becker, Gesch. Agypt. u. d.
Islam, I, 13. — 4 See R. Gottheil, JAOS, XXVII, 224.
5 See p. 19 f. Through the kindness of Dr. Th. W. Juynboll, whom 1 here
take the opportunity of thanking, I have been able to add the following extract
from the muqaffa, Leiden 870: ijoas* qJ
qJ jcL'S l\>.c ^3 iAjj q? (Ms. above word; see p. 19],
qJ qJ [Ms. goo above word; see p. 19]
qJ otoi qJ liUL/i qJ [sic.] [See p. 19 n. 3] o\o.c
^ [Ms. see p. 3, n. /]
cXJj ~ae. jA iAvS qJ
° 1
2
is Muhammad b. Yusuf b. Ya‘qub b. Hafs b. Yusuf b. Nusair [Nasr?] b. Abu
‘Amir b. Mu‘awiya b. Zaid b. ‘Abdallah b. Qais b. al-Harit b. ‘Umais [Qais]
b. Dubai1 b. ‘Abd-al-‘AzTz [‘Uzza?] b. Malik b. Badda’ b. Idat b. ‘Adi b. [al-]
Asras b. Sabib b. as-Sakun b. [al-]Asras b. Kinda at-Tuglbl Abu ‘Umar
al-Kindl al-Misrl, was born tbe 10 th of Du-l-Higga 283 A. H. [Jan. 30, 896 A. D.].
Later authors in citing from al-Kindl’s works seem to have had some diffi-
culty in determining the correct form of his kunya. Yaqut,1 Tagribardl,2
SuyutI,3 Ibn Duqmaq,4 and Maqrlzl5 at times give it as Abu 'Amr, to
which a later hand has changed the original Abu lUmar on fol. 213 of
the Br. Mus. Ms. Add. 23324. In an equal number of instances some of
these writers6 and Subkl7 also read Abu ''Umar. As the manuscript in the
British Museum originally read this form and MaqrlzTs muqaffa likewise
has it, it is perhaps best to retain this reading. The correctness of the
nisba al-Kindl , was evidently doubted by a reader of the brief sketch of
our author’s life on fol. 134 a. There it has been crossed out three times.
&
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1 Y, I, 760; HI, 145, 893. — 2 Index. — 3 Ilusn al-Muhddara, I, 96, 1., 9. —
4 Kitab al- hitixur , index, has Abu ‘Umar, text in several instances Abu ‘Amr. —
5 Hitat, T, 79, 131, 162, 163, 288; II, 202, 261, 332, 334. See below p. 12 where,
at the beginning of the third part of the quddt misr ***■& has been written
by the scribe. — # Ibn Duqmaq, l. c. It is of importance that where the fullest
form of al-Kindi’s name occurs in the Hitat [I, 3—4] the leunya is Abu ‘Umar.
Other occurrences are, I, 265; II, 161, 163, 185, 246, 248, 250, 270. See, n. 1. —
7 Tabaqat I, 257.
3
The reason is doubtless to be found in the fact that Abu ‘Umar’s descent
is traced back to ‘Adi. He and Sa‘d, personifications of two tribes, were
the sons of Tuglb1 bint Tauban from her union with [al]-Asras b. Sablb
b. as-Sakun b. [al]-Asras b. Kinda.2 Yaqut,3 Nawawl,4 Ibn Hallikan,5 Qal-
qasandl6 and Maqrizi7 state that these two brother tribes formed what
1 On the pronunciation see Mann, Tuhfa Dawi-l-Arab , Leiden, 1905,
p. 142 f. — 2 Wiistenfeld, Geneolog. Tab. index; Ibn Qutaiba, p. 52; Tagri-
bardi, I, 160, n. 1. — 3 Y, I, 827. — 4 Nawawi, 202, 1. 10 f. — 5 Ibn Hallikan
[r. de Slane], I, 53, 317, 370. — 6 Abhand. d. Gesell. d. Wiss. Gott., XXV, 52.
Qalqasandl, II, p. 198.
7 ffitat, I, 297 1. 17; II, 163. SuyutI, Lubb al-Lubdb, p. 51, 226. Dahabl,
MuS. 242. Abu Muhammad ‘All b. Hasm ad-Daharl [f 456] in the following extract
from his gamharat al-ansdb [Ms. Ar. 5829 Bibl. Nat.] would on the other hand lead
one to suppose that only the decendants of ‘Adi were designated as Tuglbl; fol. 150 a:
iXJj siAaY BiAaY £j^btx ^xax
M 3 w „ Z,
Lo! j
err*5 o- aJ [See n. 2; ms. _aa.&.] axa^ [Ms. ^j!]
w £.
Apparently omitted ; see BlAiY jbya q-J q.j
. J
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^yJ aIa. ^.yj . -yj ^ * yy '*Aaa1 yyJ [Ms. ^b^b ] yyj ^aaJ
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XjyL*-* qJ jAci qJ iAac Q.J libbJS A*£ qJ [Fol. 150 b]
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-£
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P O - M
ibjbr* *1 ocXiyi ujp> c)IaLw
lijULxy, ^JjXa^[jI] qJ BOb-^Xj «-AjbJ 8jAaP q.j BlX^>- ^P[»]
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1*
4
was known as the tribe of Tuglb which dwellt in Egypt. It is evidently
to emphasize our author’s relationship to the Tuglb, that the al-Kindl has
been erased. Abu ‘Umar, however, has a perfect right to this nisba
since his ancestory is traceable back to the Banu Kinda through ‘Adi’s
S- £■
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Ajjj [q-^] y*-^^ Axe yt Axe yt
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Q.J 'tL^zs. *.xbb q.j jJo oXe^J! q.j ekJLo oax^A^J!
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5
father.1 This tribe,2 30 000 strong, is said to have left its home in
Bahrain Musaqqar and Garnr du Kinda on the Pension Gulf and to have
migrated southward along the eastern side of the Arabian peninsula, one
hundred and fifty years prior to Muhammad. In the South, their strength
gave them the upper hand so that they soon controlled Idadramaut and
Taman. At the rise of Muhammadanism , the greater part of the tribe
' — >4_j1 iocLs ji! cXae Q.J iibL»JS i-XxEj
jJoLaJI LJj-jI x*Jj> 0.Xj JJCi [fob 151a] q..*.a1a»
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^cj! qj! ,\1aS i aJIe (jolxJi jjJ! 0.J '-Xjyi
VwJj_jI iotli naj>S ^JLe j'9'-®
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&JJI tX/E (jayU! oXxE>t* aJlit Ouc
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3..Jt ^bi x.'
tibxW.Xxw.ji l^kij tlX-W.LXxwJi ^,j^XW.Jt
1 Wiistenfeld, l. c. Qaisaba b. Kultum is given the nisba Tuglbl and also
said to belong to the Banu Kinda; see Hitat, II, 236, mid.; Mu'awia
b. Hudaig is called ^J^XxwJtj ^xx^Vxj! and ^tXxXJij Ibn Duraid, 221,1., 13
and n. 11; 328, 1., 23. SuyutI I, 110.
2 Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre Muhammeds , index; Suyuti, Lubb
al-Lubdb, 229. Fliigel, Al-Kindi, genannt der Philosoph der Araber. Ein Vor-
bild seiner Zeit und seines Volkes, Abh. f. d. K. d. M. II, 1857. Causin de
Perceval, Essai sur Vhistoire des Arabes, 1, 136, II, 265 ; Wellhausen, Skizzen VI, 29 f.
6
under the leadership of al-As‘at h. Qais were converted to the new reli-
gion, and later played an important part in the conquest of Syria.
In all probability, the Tuglb as a branch of the Kinda likewise
accompanied the expeditions into Syria, whence some are known to have
followed ‘Amr b. al-‘AsI into Egypt. Al-Kindl 1 himself relates that Qai-
saba b. Kultum the Tuglbite accompanied ‘Amr from Syria with one
hundred camels, fifty slaves and thirty horsemen. That others participated
in the conquest may be assumed from the fact that the tribe dwellt in
a special hitta in Fustat.2 This term hitta has the general meaning of
ground occupied for the first time, a pitch or holding. In connection
with Fustat , as with other towns founded by the Arabs , the sense is
often connected with the foundation.3 Now to obtain such a holding at
the foundation it was necessary that the tribe be represented in sufficient
numbers. At Fustat’s foundation, those who were not, were thrown into
one body known as the ahl ar-raya* The Tuglb, on the other hand,
represented by Hu'awia b. Hudaig5 received an allotment of land. Hence
at least as early as 21 A. H. [641/42 A. D.], the date of Fustat’s founda-
tion numerous members of the Tuglb were present in Egypt. As ‘Ami-
invaded the country in 18 A. H. [639 A D.],6 we may assume that all
these served in the military campaign playing as important a part on the
battle fields as they did in the political inti-igues and in the governing
of Egypt during the first century after its conquest.7
Whether any one of al-Kindl’s ancestors was present at the just
mentioned allotment of land in Fustat, lack of historical and biographical
material makes it impossible to say. In fact our knowledge of his imme-
diate relatives is exceedingly meagre. Purported to have been born 283
A. H. [896/7 A. D.], Abu ‘Umar al-Kindl was the son of a Yusuf b. Ya'qub,
concerning whom nothing more than the name is known. That his grand-
father was the famous philosopher Abu Yusuf Ya'qub al-Kindl who wrote
at the courts of al-Ma‘mun and al-Mu‘tasim [198 — 227 A. H. 813 — 841
A. D.] as de Slane has conjectured8 is very doubtful. Both MaqrlzT9
and the author of the sketch on fol. 2 a agree in giving our author’s
great grandfather as Hafs, whereas the philosopher was the son of Ishaq.
1 MaqrlzT, ffitat, II, 236, lines 20 ff. — 2 A. R. Guest, The Foundation of
Fustat and the Khittahs of that Town. J. B. A. S., Jan. 1907, pp. 65, 76, 77 and
map C— 11. — 3 Guest, J. B. A. S., Jan. 1907, p. 57. — 4 ffitat, I, 297. —
6 Wellhausen, Das Arabische Belch, 62. — 6 Becker, Agyptenu. d. Islam, II, 121 — 124, |
has collected the names of some of the most important men belonging to the Tuglb; i
Aug. Muller, Islam II, 575, 578. That considerable importance was attached to
the members of this tribe is attested to by the ta'riji at-tugillyin found in the i
list of books published by Kanipfmeyer, Mitteil. Sem. Or. Sprachen. Ber. West-
asiat. IX, 82. See p. 3, n. 7. — 7 Suyiiti I, 110. — 8 Ibn Hallikan, I, 389. —
9 ffitat, I, 3 etc.
7
A comparison of the geneologies1 of the two writers shows a decided
difference in their origin. The philosopher traces his back to al-As‘at, the
famous chief of the Banu Kinda who after his conversion to Muhamma-
danism married the daughter of Abu Bakr, the prophet’s successor. No
such noble descent is claimed by the historian’s pedegree , as is evident
from the entirely different names contained in it. The silence of the bio-
graphies as to the ancestors of Abu ‘Umar the historian would seem to
indicate an humbler origin for his family than that of the philosopher Abu
Yusuf. However this may be, several men of ability are found among
the historian’s relatives. Three times al-Kindi quotes his paternal uncle
al-Husain b. Ya'qub 2 as one of his authorities in his Umara! Misr. It is
important to note that the nisba at-Tuglbl is given to him. Prehaps it
was this which lead to the erasure of the al-Kindi on folio 134 a.3 Then
again al-Kindl’s son , ‘Umar , seems to have continued his father literary
work. Ostrup,4 indeed, has made it probable that ‘Umar’s kitab misr wa
fada'iliha is nothing more than an edition of his father’s fadail misr
mentioned by SuyutT.5
Of the literary productions of al-Kindi, the majority are chiefly known
from citations from them found in later authors; only three, the fada'il misr,
the tasmiyat qudat misr,6 and the tasmiyat wulat misr 7 being preserved
in manuscript form. To these must be added five others, the hitat misr ,
the kitab al-handaq , the kitab alibar masgid aid ar-rdya al-a'zam, the
kitab al-agnad al-gurabd, the sirat marwdn al-ga‘d, the kitab al-mawdli
min aid misr al-a'zam. From these nine titles, it is evident that al-Kindi
devoted himself to geographical, biographical and historical studies dealing
chiefly with Egypt. In his liitat misr, he was the first to give a topo-
graphical discription of this country.8 Of a more specific character is his
kitab alibar ahl ar-rdya ,9 the history of the mosque of the aid ar-rdya.
The ahl ar-rdya, as Maqrlzi10 points out, were a combination of the tribes
1 Fliigel , l. c. , has given a complete study of the ancestors of the philo-
sopher. — 2 In the qudat misr he is cited 13 times, folios 135 a, 144 a, 148 b, 152 a,
153 a, 155 a, 161a, 163 a, 164 b, 169 a, 176 a, 177 b, 196 b; see p. 15. — 8 See p. 2f. —
4 ‘Umar b. Muhommad al-Kindi’ s Beskrivelse af Agypten. Udgivet og oversat
af J. Ostrup. Bulletin de V Academie Royale, Copenhagen, 1896, No. 4, p. If. —
5 SuyutT, Husn al-Muhadara , I, 265; SuyutT gives it as one of his sources I, 2
[the doubtlessly a mistake for ^M]. — 6 See p. 9. — 7 Maqrlzi, liitat , I, 79
[= II, 492], 228, 288; II, 25, 163, 202, 248, 261, 436, cites it as kitab umara' or
kUdb umara' misr. Tagribardl, I, 77. — 8 Hit at, I, 3 ; HiiggT Hahfa II, 146, cites
this passage; see p. 1, n. 1. Evetts, Churches of Egypt , pp. 101, 108, 110, 116,
293; Abu Salih cites it from a copy in the futuh misr of ‘Abd-al-Hakam. Ewald,
Zeit. zur K. d. M. Ill, 333, in his discription of the Paris ms. of the futuh misr states
that the third part deals with a similar subject. — 9 Hitat, II, 246, 1., 37. —
10 Hitat, I, 197.
of Qurais, Ansar and others who, represented by too small a number singly,
to be mustered separately in the dlwan of Fustat, were enrolled under
this name and awarded a liitta of their own.1 In the midst of this stood
the mosque known as al-gdmiL al-‘atiq , also called tag al-gavoami1 or
garni ‘ ''Amr b. al-'Asi.- As the only citation from al-Kindl’s ahbar niasgid
ahl ar-raya known to me in the hitat of Maqrlzl occurs in the chapter
on the mosque of ‘Amr, it would seem as if it dealt with this building.3
Probably the kitab al-handaq 4 dealt with another of Fustat’s sights.
Whether this al-handaq is the same as the one Maqrlzl5 has devoted an
entire chapter to is impossible to say, as that chapter does not mention
al-Kindl’s kitab al-handaq. Where it is cited in connection with the birkat
al-haggdg ,6 no definite hint as to the possible identity of al-handaq is
given. Still greater is the uncertainty which exists as to the contents of
the kitab al-agnad al-guraba ‘. This is mentioned on folio 134a7 of the
wildt mis-r manuscript in the British Museum. Folio 2 a of this book
designates it as kitab al-agnad al-yarabi. Qalqashandi8 mentions a kitab
al-gasad al-'arahl by al-Kindl. Doubtlessly the al-gasad is a mistake for
al-gund-, the title should read with Maqrlzl:9 kitab al-gund al-'arabi.
This would be translatable by “book on the Arabian province*.10 Kitab
al-agnad al-guraba ’ or lal-garbi Q/a]’, on the other hand would mean “book
on the north west African provinces*. The latter leading, kitab al-agnad
al-guraba1 or al-garabi, is evidently the correct one, as the diacritical points
have carefully been supplied to these words in the otherwise almost unpunctuated
texts on folios 2 a and 134 a, and in Maqrlzl’s muqaffa. If Ostrup is correct in
supposing that the fadafil rnisr by al-Kindl’s son, ‘Umar, is based on a larger
work of the same name written by the elder al-Kindl,11 the latter’s consisted
of sentences on Egypt from the Quran, and an account of the antiquities
geography and history of this country down to al-Kindl’s time. Doubtlessly
of equal importance as these, were al-Kindl’s sirat Manoan al-gald and
kitab al-mawull. In the lntat of Maqrlzl, we have extracts from the latter
dealing with Masruh b. Sindar 12 the client of Zinba b. Rauh b. Salarna
al-(jrudami,1:J Abu Gunaim13 the client of Maslama b. Muhallad al-Ansart
1 Guest, It. A. S. Jan. 1907, pp. 58, 64, map. C — 10. Becker, Agypt.u.d.Islam, II,
p. 122. — 2 Hitat, II, 246—256. — 3 Hitat, II, 163, 1., 26. See p. 1, n. 1. — 4 Hitat,
II, 136 — 138. — r> At the end of chapter IV of the first part of the history of
the qadis of Egypt [Or. Ms. Add. 23, 324] at the British Museum, a note is
found to the effect, that the following chapter contains a treatise on the Masgid
‘Abdallah given on the authority of Ibu Qudaid- See p. 10, n. 1. — 6 Hitat,
II, 126. — 7 See p. 19. — 8 Abhandl. GeseU. cl. IViss. Gutt., XXV, p. 24. — 9 Hitat,
II, 143, 1., 2; see p. 1, n. 5, where the muqaffa reads yarln. — 10 Baladurl, Futuli
al-Bulddn, [ed. de Goege], gloss, p. 23. — 11 See p. 7 n. 4; Evetts, Churches of
Hgypt, index, Abu Salih quotes this work. Suy. I, 265; cp. Tagribardl I, 2. —
12 IJitat, II, 137, 1., 20; see p. 1, n. 5. — 13 ffitat, H> 161, 1., 31.
9
and al-Harit b. Maskin' the client of Muhammad b. Rayyiin1 2 b. ‘Abd
al-‘AzIz.3 Ibn Hagar in his rafL al-isr 'an qudat misr cites al-Kindl’s
hitab al-mawali min ahl misr, probably at second hand, in connection with
the death of Ishaq b. Furat3 one of the clients of Mu‘awia b. Hudaig and
in speaking of ‘Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Hakim.4 Oddly, enough on the lower
margin of folio 214b a note as to the date of the death of al-Harit b. Maskln
from the hitab al-mawali has been added by a reader. All of these extracts appear
to be taken from a biographical dictionary dealing with those clients
who dwellt in Egypt. Whether it dealt especially with those rawis who
were clients, the study of whom an-NawawT5 mentions as one of the branches
of hadlt criticism, or not, it is impossible to say. That it contained such
rawis is evident from extracts found in the raf' al-isr ''an qudat misr of
Ibn Hagar and on the margin of Or. Ms. Add. 23, 324 of the British Museum.
The latter manuscript contains besides a tasmiyat toulat misr, also an
extensive treatise on the qadis of Egypt, entitled tasmiyat qudat misr/'
Professor Gottheil , who is editing this , has been kind enough to
place his photographs at my disposal. The entire account covers folios
134 b to 215 a. This is divided into three parts. The first, folios 134 b
to 215 a, is made up of seven chapters, the opening one extending from
fol. 134 b to 148 b, the second from 149 a to 159 a, the third from 159 b
to 170 a, the fourth from 170 b to 182 a, the fifth from 182 b to 193 b,
the sixth from 194 a to 206 b and the seventh from 207 a to 215 a. Each
of these opens with a hutba, which is followed in most cases by the number
of the chapter.
The narrative commences [fol. 134 b]:
In the name of Allah the merciful and compassionate in whom
there is aid and protection. The first chapter of the book of the
qadis who acted as judges in Misr. Abu Muhammad ‘Abd ar-Rali-
man b. ‘Umar b. Muhammad b. Sa‘Td al-Bazzar, known as Ibn an-
Nahhas, has informed us by recitation before him atj5],
i. e, Abu ‘Umar Muhammad b. Yusuf b. Ya‘qub al-Kindl, has narra-
ted to us [LJ jUs] this book of the tasmiyat qudat misr etc.
The remaining chapters commence with a somewhat similar formula. In
the case of the first four chapters the main follows immediately and then
1 Hitat, II, 202, 1. 13 f. ; II, 250, 1., 2f., 334, 1. 23f., — 2 See T. II,
164. — 3 Paris, Bibl. Nat. Ms. Ar. No. 2149, fol. 22a, 1. 9f. The citation of
al-Kindl in SubkT , I, 257 , might also belong to the hitab al-mawali. — 4 l. c.,
fol. 127 a 1. 14. — 5 Mar§ais, J. A., s4r. 9, T., 18, p. 145. Yaqut, I, 734, 4 cites
a hitab mawdli aid misr anonomously. — 6 H. H. I, 188, calls it ahbdr qudat
misr, II, 141, ta'rib qudat misr. For the continuations of this work see R. Gottheil,
J. A. O. S. XXVII, 225 f. ; cp. Hitat II. 25, 137, 170. Ibn Hagar, in his raf ‘al-isr ‘an
qudat misr, Paris Ms. Ar. 2149, fol. IB, 10 — 11 states that he has used the ah-
bdr al qudat of Abu ‘Umar al-Kindl. See also Tallquist, Ibn Sa‘id, p. 84.
10
an isnad. The other three chapters,1 however, have the chain
of authorities, which al-Kindl cited, joined to the introductory formula and
then the text. The opening form however is not carried out throughout
each chapter, the most common method being the citation of the rawis
first and then the narrative. With exception of chapters two and seven,
al-Kindl is always cited in the isnad. His name is generally given as
Muhammad b. Yusuf. As is evident from the opening of the treatise, we
have a peculiar form of editing a book. An-Nawawl 2 in enumerating
the different ways in which traditions may he transmitted from one rawi
to another gives as the second of eight, that of recitation (stjyj). Most
traditionalists have given this the name of “presentation” This is
a statement made by the pupil to his master as to what he has collected
from him. This statement may be either oral or written. When the latter,
it is given the special name of xi.LuJi (joy*, when the first, it is called
B tlys. While the statement is being made orally, other pupils may be
present. These have a right to report the traditions they hear in this
fashion as coming from their master. The chief formulas used to indicate
this manner of transmission are ^Ls olyi [I have recited before N.N.]
Li!j ^Jlc [It was recited before N. N. while I was listening]
and [N.N. has informed us by recitation before him].3 I
It is this last formula that is used at the beginning of the tasmiyat qudat I
misr ,4 The whole account must then be considered as having been recited
by Abu Muhammad ‘Abd ar-Rahman b. ‘Umar b. Sa‘Td al-Bazzar5 * to one of
his pupils. He doubtlessly obtained the material from al-Kindl. Especially
is this true of chapters one, three, four, five and six in which every isnad
is introduced with Muhammad b. Yusuf. This does not occur in chapters
two and seven. In these, it is only found with the first chain of authorities.
These chapters, however, would seem to embody al-Kindi’s work, as the
isnads commence in each case with an authority which al-Kindl cites in
the other chapters.
It is to Ibn an-Nahhas [f 416 A. H.] who reached the age of ninety-
two years, that we owe the preservation of al-Kindl’s tasmiyat qudat
misr, which according to HaggT IJalifa 7 was the first of its kind to be
written. The truth of this statement is exceedingly doubtful, for in a
1 On the contents of chpt. 5 see p. 8, n. 4. — 2 Mar^ais, J. A., s6r. 9, T. 16,
p. 208; T. 17, p. 197. Thus also Salisbury, JAOS, VII, p. 75 [76] and 79 [81]. —
3 For others see Marcjais, J. A. ser. 9, T. 16, 203; T. 17, p. 202 ff. ; T. 18 p. 76. —
1 See p. 14. It is interesting to note that the date of the recitation is sometimes
given; cp. Juynboll, Le Livrc de I’Impot Fonder de Yahya b. Adam p. 26 etc. ;
It would seem from the use of ahbarand that the book was taken down by a I
listener; see previous two notes. — 5 Died at the age of 97 in the year 416 A. H.
Suyatl, I, 175. — 0 H. H., I, 188.
11
manuscript of the futuh misr, the conquest of Egypt, by Abu-l-Qasim
‘Abd ar-Rahman b. ‘Abd al-Hakam at Paris, a collection of brief biographies
of the qadis of Egypt is to be found.1 This forms the sixth of the seventh
parts of the futuh misr and covers 21 pages of about the same size as
those of the British Museum manuscript of the qudat misr by al-Kindl.
The account in the Paris manuscript stops at the same year 218 A. H., as
the account by al-Kindl in the British Museum. A still more noteworthy
fact is that the narrative begins after giving the number of the chapter
(jaOlwJl and the hutba
.a
Lo\\S> '-AavjJ
iAac LoiAs> jla xli! lXa c. q+cO! lXac jjl LoA> iAj*Ai
qJ all I vAac Lb«A> jls ali! l\a^
jla gjjj^ (jTjAi^Ji lX-oia^ iA*:s=x«
^ xaIc xlj| ^Iao xJUi Throughout the remainder of
the text the majority of the isnads commence with ‘Abd ar-Rahman, that is
b. ‘Abdallah b. ‘Abd al-Hakam, the third authority given in the introductory
isnad just given. The only exceptions are the final note ^Uii y>\ J)La
Qi xjj^L.5* Nj ^b JJii *Aaj ya.x iAjiAs
LaasLs Jjj ^.ii qaajL«, q***/*j <.*« xaa* ^ fLaiiJS iiAkC -jj
*(3^^ ^b o<.a iUj ^ QAjLbX, Kaam
^ \aS ^.jLaVa i - A-.La J ^ ^&AAA^Ql.XA ^j+A£ ^ ^ i
xlA xJLlt xjL^uA ^ jA^xi and a few instances where
Yahya b. Buhair and Sa‘Id b. ‘Ufair are mentioned alone. These probably
depend upon the preceeding isnads introduced by ‘Abd ar-Rahman. The
whole was doubtlessly collected by him and afterwards redacted by ‘All
b. al-Hasan b. Qudaid al-Azdl. The cursory comparison of it with
al-Kindl’ s account of the qadis in the British Museum manuscript which
I have been able to make, shows that much of the material in the former
has gone over into the latter. Here it is cited as coming from Ibn Qudaid
who had it from ‘Abd ar-Rahman. Numerous other sources, however, have
been used by al-Kindl, by means of which our author has been enable
to enlarge upon his subject.
1 Charles C. Torrey, The Muhammedan Conquest of Egypt and North Africa,
in Biblical and Semitic Studies [Yale Bicentennial Publications], N. Y. 1901, p. 279,
has called attention to this collection. — 2 Thus Ms.
12
The second part commences on folio 215 a,
In the name of Allah the merciful and compassionate, in whom
their is aid and protection. Narrative of the history of the qadis
who held office thereafter to our time, composed by Abu-l-Hasan
Ahmad b. ‘Abd ar-Rahman b. Burd. Abu-l-Hasan has informed us, that
Muhammad b. ar-Rabi‘ b. Sulaiman al-&TzI has reported, Bakkar b.
Qutaiba held office in Egypt appointed by al-Mutawakkil ; he entered
the country Friday the 8 th of tjrumada II, 246 etc.
This treatise dealing with the qadis from Bakkar b. Qutaiba to ‘All
b. an-Nu‘man was apparently written by Abu-l-Hasan Ahmad b. Abd-
ar-Rahman b. Burd. Of this author’s life nothing is known to me. Indeed,
from the authorities quoted in the narrative — 1. jJoJt JJd ^ !
,P W p «* »»
M P
J ^
Oji 6. ouvjj 0.J iA^s\/0 ys. Li and 7. inspeaking of Abu-t-Tahir
Muhammad b. Ahmad especially if the Ibn Burd just given be
the same as Abul-Hasan Ahmad b. ‘Abd ar-Rahman, it would seem that
the present form is not the work of this author, but rather a redacted
copy by someone who was personally acquainted with him.
The third part, the author of which is not given, repeats the last two
qadis mentioned by Abu-l-Hasan in its opening lines [fol. 222 b]:
In the name of Allah the merciful and the compassionate, from
whom there is aid, protection, might and power. The last addition
to Abu ‘Umar Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Kindl’s book dealing with the
history of the qadis of Egypt. And Muhammad b. Ahmad as-Sadusi,
who was given the kunya Abul-Tahir had taken up office in Rabl
I, 347 as an appointee of al-Ustad Kaffir. Then after him Abu-
l-Hasan1 ‘All b. Nu'rnan b. Muhammad b. Hayyun1 held office, al-‘AzIz-
billah al-Hakim reappointing him , the notification being read from
the pulpit of the 6ami‘ al-‘AtIq in Fustat on Friday the 9 th of
Safar 366 etc.
Other qadis mentioned in this third part are Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad
b. al-Nu‘man,2 ‘Abd al-AzIz b. Muhammad b. al-Nu‘man,3 Malik b. Sa‘Td
b. ‘Uht al-Fariqi,4 Abu-l-‘Abbas Ahmad b. ‘Abd ar-Raliman who was known
as Ibn [Abl] al-‘Awwam,5 Abu Muhammad al-Qasim b. ‘Abd al-‘AzIz b.
Muhammad b. al-Nu‘man,6 Abu-l-Fath ‘Abd al-Hakim b. Sa'id b. Sa'Id
al-Fariqi,7 and Abu Bakr Ahmad b. ‘Ubaidallah b. Muhammad b. Ishaq, who
held office at Tinnls.
1 R. Gottheil, JAOS, XXVII, 229, 238 reads both al-Hasan and al-Husain.
SuyutI, II, 101, Abu-l-Hasan probably incorrectly. — 2 R. Gottheil, JAOS, XXVII,
231, 232. — 3 SuyutI, 11, 102. — 4 SuyutI, II, 102. — 6 The Abi not in text; see
SuyutI, II, 102. — 6 R. Gottheil, JAOS, XXVII. 236. — 7 SuyutI, II, 106.
1o
o
A comparison of the beginning of the history of the qadis by al-Kindl
and that of the governors shows a difference in the manner in which they
were edited. The opening of the latter, “Abu ‘Umar al-Kindl has written
this book etc.“ makes it probable that we have a copy of the original as
it was written by al-Kindl. The treatment of the subject of the qadis
differs slightly from that of the governors. The history of the governors,
on the one hand, is not divided into chapters. That of the qadis, on the
other, has no separate headings to the paragraphs devoted to each office-
holder as is the case with those dealing with the governors from ‘Amr b.
al-‘As! to Muhammad b. ‘Abd ar-Kahman [fol. 2 b — 51b], From this last
governor to the end each new appointee is merely given a separate para-
graph, a form followed throughout the qudut misr. The facts narrated
concerning the office-holder have a certain stereotype form. In the case
of the qadis their appointer, generally the calif, is mentioned first. Then the
date of their taking up office is given. Hereupon annecdotes to illustrate
the character and the rulings of the men are introduced. The paragraph
ends with the date the office was vacated by its holder. The treatment
of the governors is practically the same. The chief difference, of course,
lies in the subject matter. The appointer of the governor is the calif.
The appointee either takes up the position himself or sends a substitute.
Immediately in connection with this, mention is made whether he is merely
to act as governor or is to hold the position of police commissioner and
tax collector in addition. Where the governor is a substitute, these last
two positions are not given him. In other cases, the governor seldom
assumes the responsibilities of all three, but appoints separate men to
conduct these departments of the administration. After having stated
which of these things took place, the narrative continues with the events
which occurred during the governor’s term and which have an immediate
bearing on the history of Egypt. The whole sketch is closed with the
date of the governor’s retirement and a summing up of the time he
held office.
Throughout the amara misr , al-Kindl takes especial care to prefix
a chain of authorities to each fact narrated in it. Towards the end the
isnads occur less frequently and finally only one authority is given —
‘All b. al-Hasan b. !Halaf b. Qudaid, from whom Maqrlzl1 states al-Kindl
collected traditions. Of Ibn Qudaid’s life little is known to me except the
fact that he tradited on the authority of Ibn ‘Abd al-Hakam and that he,
according to Ibn Makula, is supposed to have been the author of
a la’rtk misr. The exact dates of his birth and death, I have failed
to find. SuyutI,2 however, mentions an ‘All b. al-Hasan b. Farqad
1 See p. 1, n. 5. — * Suy., I, 173.
14
Abu-l-Qasim al-Misrl, a transmitter of traditions whose teachers were
Muhammad h. Rumh and Ilarmala and whose death is placed in the
year 312 A. H. [924/25 A. D.] at the age of 87. A comparison of Ibn
Qudaid’s name as given by al-Kindl, Maqrlzl and Ibn Makula1 with that
of Ibn Farqad shows that both agree with the exception of Qudaid and
Farqad. Now the death of Muhammad b. Rumh was in 242 A. H.
[856/57 A. D.]2 and that of Harmala in 243 A. H. [857/58 A. D.].3 If
Ibn Farqad , then , lived early enough to have known these two men, he
also was a comtemporary of ‘Abd ar-Rahman b. ‘Abdallah b. ‘Abd al-Hakam
[f 257 A. H., 871 A. D.].4 It is he, as mentioned above, who was the in-
structor of Ibn Qudaid. If Ibn Qudaid and Ibn Farqad should be one and the
same, the variant being due to a scribal error or perhaps to an incorrect
edition of the text, the date of Ibn Qudaid would be established. In any
case he must have lived at this time, as is evident from the use of samitu
in connection with the citation of his name as an authority for events of
the year 291 A. H. [903/4 A. D.].
In all Ibn Qudaid is mentioned fifty-three times. In fourty of these he
is introduced with the expression haddatanl , three with haddatana, five with
ahbaranl , once with qala and once with s ami tu. Since this latter phrase
might imply that had the following fact orally, the other phrases might
likewise be interpreted as implying an oral transmission and as having
the same sense as in the liadlt. Haddatanl would then mean that Ibn
Qudaid read the narrative to al-Kindi alone,5 and haddatana that he read
it in class with others present.6 Ahbaranl on the other hand would
denote that al-Kindl read the passage to Ibn Qudaid privately7 and qala
would equal either haddatanl \_-nu] or ahbarani [-na].8 That such is the
manner in which al-Kindi collected his material is uncertain, since
it is a well known fact that even when a rdwi received a tradition in
a wi'itten form or read it in a book, he used haddatanl and ahbaranl and i
the like without mentioning the book. He even said sami'tuJ Indeed,
Ibn Qudaid is known to have reedited the futuh mis r of Ibn ‘Abd al-
Hakam, and Ibn Makula,10 when he states that Ibn Qudaid wrote a ta’rih
misr doubtlessly refers to this redaction,11 of which because Ibn Qudaid is j
I
1 See text p.2, n. 3. — 2 Tagribardl, I, 739. — 3 al-Hazragl, Hulasa Tadfyib al-
Kamal [Cairo, 1322] p. 63, line 4 from bottom. — 4 BrockelmanD, Gesch.Arab. Lit.
I, 148. See text p. 5, n. 1. — 3 Salisbury, JAOS, VII, 79; ZDMG, XXXVIII, 383.
Goldziher, ZDMG , L, 498, n. 1. — « JAOS, VII, 79; Marais, JA, s4r. 9, T., 17,
p. 203. Hartmann, ZA, XIX, 343. — 7 JA, eer. 9, T., 17, p. 203. — 8 JA, ser. 9,
T., 16, p. 195. ZA, XIX, 343. — 9 JA, sdr. 9, T., 17, p. 228. ZDMG, X, 8. —
10 See text p. 2, u. 3. — 11 Zeit. z. Kunde d. Morgenld. Ill, H. 3., p. 329 ff.,
335, u. 5. Compare a somewhat parallel case in regard to the futuh as-5dm by Abu
Isma‘11 Muhammad b. ‘Abdallah al-Azdl. Wiistenfeld, Geschichtsschreiber , p. 9.
15
often cited as the author, a confusion of authorship probably due to the fact
that Ibn Qudaid added new passages to the work and in doing so
joined his name to them. Whether the redacted copy of the futuh
misr is meant by Ibn Makula or not, al-Kindl since Ibn ‘Abd al-Hakam’s
name follows that of Ibn Qudaid in several isnads, must have had access
to this either in a written form or heard it read privately or in public.
Other names following Ibn Qudaid’s are ‘Ubaidallah b. Sa‘ld b. ‘Ufair
al-Ansan, Yahya b. ‘Utman b. Salih, Harun b. Sa‘Td b. al-Haitam, ‘All
b. Ahmad b. Sulaiman, Abu Nasr Ahmad b. ‘All b. Salih and ‘All b. ‘Umar.
In the case, ofYahyab.‘Utmanb. Salih, since al-Kindl uses the pharses [Fol.l99b]:
Lo'A> or and ^ 'AjlX.'s qjS
qJ qj gUj 0,/s i 20! oVjiA'i
it appears likely that Ibn Qudaid quotes him at first hand. Until a
complete edition of the futuh misr is accessable it is impossible to deter-
mine whether any of the others were originally quoted by Ibn ‘Abd al-
Ilakam himself. In fact it would not be surprising at all that a greater
part of them was cited by him. If such is the case, the neglect of
this author by al-Kindl may be due to the fact that he obtained his
material from Ibn Qudaid according to one of the many methods 2 em-
ployed in transmitting the hadit; — methods, which, according to SuyutI,
were adopted in Egypt by the huffaz al-luga of al-Kindl’s time.3 That
these were also in vogue among Egyptian historians of this period is
evident from the manner in which al-Kindl cites his authorities in the
umaraL misr , from the form of his qudat misr and from the occurrence
of his name in the Paris manuscript of the futuh misr* An explanation
of this latter peculiarity, only seems possible if one of the rules, perhaps
applied to the transmission of the hadit has been followed.
The remaining authorities who seem to be cited at first hand are
twenty-one in all. As Yahya b. ‘Utman b. Salih whom Ibn Qudaid, as we
have seen, cites, is found among these, it is not at all improbable that
many of these are cited at second hand. Unfortunately, I have been
unable to place many of these, and give merely the list: 1. Ahmad
h. al-Harit h. Moslem , whose father died in the year 253 A. H. [867 A. D.];5
2. Ahmad h. Muhammad b. Salama al-Azdi , a qadi of Fustat and composer
of a history;6 3. Abit Bisr ad-Daulabi, i. e. Muhammad b. Ahmad, the
author of a history of the califs;7 4. Bimut b. M. ; 5. al-Hasan b. Mu-
hammad al-Madani ; 6. al-Husain b. Yalqiib at-Tugibi, al-Kindl’s uncle;3
1 Goldziher, ZDMG, L, 498 f. — 2 JA, ser. 9, 1901, p. 195 If. — 3 Goidziher,
Site. d. K. Acad. d. Wiss. z. Wien, LX1X, 7—28. — 4 JA, sdr. 9, 1901, p. 197 f. —
5 See text p. 2, n. 2. — 0 Wiistenfeld, Geschicht. p. 33. — 1 l. c. p. 33. — 8 See
p. 7, n. 2.
16
7. Zaydn b. Habib al-Hadrami ; 8. Sa‘id b. Hasim b. Martad; 9. As-
Sakan b. Muhammad b. as-Sakan at-Tugibi ; 10. Abu Salma Usama at-
Tugibi ■ 1 11. ‘Asim b. Rdzih b. Ragab al Hauldni-, 12. Al- Abbas b. Mu-
hammad-, 13. Abd al- Malik b. Yahya b. 1 Abdallah b. Bukair, whose
father died in 231 A. H. [845/6 A. D.]; 14. ‘ Ubaidallah b. ‘ Umar b.
as-Sardh- 15. Abu lAli-, 16. ‘All b. Sa‘id\ 17. Muhammad b. ‘Abd
al-Warit b. Garir; 18. Muhammad b. Musa al-Hadrami-, 19. Musa
b. Hasan b. Musa al-Hadrami ; 20. Yahya b. ‘All b. Abl Mu‘awiya
at- Tugibi.
The last mention of a source made by al-Kindl in the umara’ misr
is on folio 109 a, where Ibn Qudaid is cited with the use of samitu (I have
heard) in connection with events of the year 291, H. (903/4 A. D.) eight
years after the birth of al-Kindl. From this point on, it would seem as
if al-Kindl were narrating contemporary events. The style is the same
throughout to folio 131a. Here the upper left hand margin contains a
note that the history of the governors of Egypt as composed by al-Kindl
ended at this point and that Ibn Zulaq 2 continued it from there. When
reading over the text following this gloss, one notices a marked change
in the style of the narrative. The most striking difference from the
preceeding is the way the dates are given. Throughout the manuscript '
to this folio, only the cardinal numbers are used. From folio 131a to 1
the end, however, they are part in ordinals and part in cardinals. The I
ordinals especially replace the cardinals when the days of the month are
given. Taking this peculiarity into account together with the position of
the note, one might suppose that the glossator meant that the original
work of al-Kindl stopped at the year 335 A. H. in which the news of
Muhammad b. Turgs death reached Fustat. It is exceedingly doubtful
whether the ensuing text is that of Ibn Zulaq’s continuation of this work,
as the facts narrated on the margin are said to be narrated in its be-
ginning. The possibility of course remains that this statement might mean
the introduction, and that these folios 131a — 134a are the beginning of
the narrative proper which Ibn Zulaq is known to have written from the
quotations from it in MaqrizI’s hitat. Here it is called tatimmat kitdb
umara misr lil- Kindi or itmdm umara misr. 8
Of al-Kindl’s other instructor in traditions an-Nasa’I no mention is
made in the umara misr Born 215 A. H. [830 A. D.] at Nasa in Hurasan, j
V
Abu ‘Abd ar-Rahman Ahmad b. Su‘aib b. ‘All b. Sinan b. Yahya4 was
one of the formost traditionalits of his time. In his search for material,
his travels which he began at the age of fifteen, took him to Naisabur, 5
i
1 Y. I, 827. — 2 R. Gottheil, JAOS, XXVIII, pt. 2. — 3 Hitat, II, 2516, 1
1373B, 1702. — 4 Brockelmann, I, 161. — B Tagribardl, I, 197.
17
‘Iraq , Egypt, the Higaz and (jrazlra. 1 In Egypt, an-Nasa’i took up his
abode in the Zuqaq al-Qanadll,3 * Fustat. Here, together with four wives and
an enormous retinue of servants, he led a most pious life. He is said by some
to have fasted on alternate days. Others praise him for his zeal in
carrying out the day and night prayers upon which Muhammad laid so
much stress. As a scholar, he is said to have excelled all others of his
time by his profound knowledge of law, strenghtened by his ability to
recognize sound traditions due to his acquaintance with those which came
from a follower of Muhammad and the chain of men who vouched for
them. Of his works, the Jcitab as-sunan al-Jcabir 3 ranks among the
greatest productions of the Muhammadan legal and religous literature.
This book the author himself abridged and gave the title Jcitab as-sunan
as-sagir. 4 It is known also as Jcitab al-mugtaba. The fadaiil sa-siJiaba, 5
dealing with the excellent qualities of the companions of the prophet, the
Jcitab ad-dulafa 6 on untrustworthy traditionalists, the musnad ‘ Alt and the
musnad MaliJc , 7 indices of the rawis to Malik b. Anas’ Jcitab al-muwatta,
are other products of an-Nasa‘l. Whether all of these were written in
Egypt before his departure for Damuscus in 302 A. H. is unknown. Here,
upon his entrance into the city’s mosque, he was quizzed as to his know-
ledge of Mu'awia. A strict Si‘ite in belief, an-Nasa’i praised the virtues
of ‘All b. Abl Talib. His questioners, incensed at his answer, persecuted
him and drove him from the mosque. To win them over and in the
hope that Allah might lead his opposers to his way of thinking, an-Nasa‘i
composed the Jcitab al-hasalis ft fadl ‘ All b. Abi Talib, a collection of
traditions dealing with ‘All and his descendants. 8 An-Nasafi, however, does
not seem to had much success, for he soon left this city for Ramla in
Palestine, where he died in 303 A. H. [915/6 A. D.]. 9
Thus wTe have seen that al-KTndl’s instructors, Ibn Qudaid and an-
Nasa‘1, died when he was at the age of twenty and thirty respectively.
His pupil Ibn an-Nahhas was bom in 319 A. H. Hence there can be no
doubt that Abu ‘Umar Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Kindl lived at the end of
the third and the beginning of the fourth century of the Higra. Indeed,
the date of his death given by HaggI Hallfa10 in connection with the qudat
misr is merely based on the fact that the book ends with this year.
Especially is this true since in a latter passage he gives the date as
350 A. H. [961/2 A. D.].11 That this date is more correct is evident from the
1 Subkl, Tabaqat ati-SafiHya, II, 84. Cairo, 1312, in 4 vols. — 2 Ibn Duqmaq,
I, 13. — s Ahlwardt, I, 1252. Published, Delhi, 1850 and Cairo 1312. — 1 Subkl,
l. c. — 5 Subki, l. c. For mss. see Brockelmann, l. c. — 6 SuyutI, I, 163. —
7 SuyutI, l. c. Abn-l-Fida, II, 329. — 8 Subkl, II, 84. — 9 The exact place
of his death is doubtful. In the above I have followed Subkl and SuyutI. —
19 II, 146. - 11 HH. Ill, 160.
2
18
umara mtsr1 which as we have seen probably ends with the year 335 A. H.
Doubtlessly Suyutl is correct when he states that al-Kindl flourished at
the time of Kafur the Ibside. With this the year 350 A. H. given in the
sketch on folio 134 a and in Maqrlzl’s muqaffa agree to all intents and
purposes. The statements of Ibn Muyassar and al-FaganT quoted in them
may be taken as truth, Abu ‘Umar Muhammad b. Yusuf b. Ya'qub al-
Kindi died on Tuesday the second of Ramadan 350 A. H. and was buried
in the Musalla ‘Absun at Fustat. 2
II.
The following text containing the kitab tasmiyat wilat misr is
here edited from photographs of folios la — 134a and 137a — 138b of the
Br. Mus. Or. Ms. Add. 23, 324, 3 bearing as the date and place of its com-
pletion, Damascus, Monday the fifth of Safar 624, A. H. [Jan. 25. 1227]. 4 This
manuscript likewise contains the history of the qadis of Egypt [fol. 134 b
— 225 a] which I have mentioned above. In the following discription, I
shall merely endeavor to supplement as far as I am able the discription given
in the British Museum Catalogue of Oriental Manuscripts. Upon the upper
left hand comers of folios 2a, 11a, 12a, 31a, 41a, 49a, 59a, 67a, 77a,
87a, 97a, 105a, 116a, 126a, 136a, 146a, 156a, 166a. 176a, 186a, 196a,
206a, 216a, are written the words jLolS, iwJuii, etc. until the last [216a]
*£5L3 presumably refering to number the quires contained in the
manuscript. Hence the majority of the quires contained ten leaves, the
exceptions being the fifth, seventh and twelfth. As folios 137 — 138b
belong to the fifth, the fifteenth must be subsituted for the twelfth.
The fly leaf [fol. la] originally contained five, possibly six notes —
one at the top ; four one under the other on the left side of the page ;
and a sixth presumably written from the bottom to the top. As my
photograph of this page is very poor, I shall omit these. As far as I
can make out, they contain the names of former posessors of the manuscript.
Upon the middle of the following page, which appears to have been
besmudged with a dark substance, two and a half lines have been inscribed.
On the upper half of folio 2a, eight lines with diacritical points have been
written by the scribe. Here an attempt seems to have been made to erase
al-Kindi’s name. To the left of this announcement, which states that the
book has been written for Sa‘d ad-DTn Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad b. al-
1 Sec p. 16 f. — J See p. 1, n. 5 and p. 19f. — * A description of this
manuscript has been published in the Catalogus codd. Mss. qui in Musaeo
Brittannico asservnntur pars II cod. arab. amplectens 3 vol. London 1876 — 79,
vol. II, p. 528. — 4 Fol. 225a; See, Cat. Mss. Br. Mus. vol. II, p. 528.
19
Amir Husam ad-Dln Sunqar b. ‘Abdallah al-Malaki al-Mu‘azzamT, the remains
of a note are visible. The lower half of the page contains an interesting
sketch of al-Kindi’s life. This brief biography, consisting of eighteen lines
in a course script with scarcely any vowels or diacritical points, and
beginning in the lower right-hand corner, so that the lines run up the page
until they meet those of the scribe, has suffered on account of dampness.
Fortunately this life has been repeated in twenty-one lines on folio 134 a,
where its position and orthographical character are of a similar nature. This
latter passage has likewise been tampered with. This time it is the nisba
al-Kindl, to which I have called attention at the beginning of this intro-
duction,1 * * which has been crossed out with a pen three times. Even though
this does not occur on fol. 2 a, which I have used as far as possible as the
basis of the following text, I have indicated by means of brackets wherever
it appears on fol. 134 a, from which the variants given in the notes are taken.
0- Ct1 U*"*5 01 0"? 0? Q.J jA lE
■« O - ^ - )
iAJl» ^xle j.5-. y etc jXiLe 0J I A^e *.aaj£> 0.j!
0^ '~r*^**> 'qJ >— -*-a.>’ N/oi. (J^lXe qJ ['?] qj!
elites [^_cl\.a>J Ij] jji+J! siA/.4 qJ
11 ^ * £
xaa* ^aLEI ^ ' *.e**_j Ls^Le ^ *, j i
EUi iol+Aki. ^.aaa+3» ^Loaxi^ 0/1 Li ^.SvJ * 8qajL Lx*,
£■
xjLaT fclas xiLs naJ. 1 "j-aaax 1 1 adilij 10!aY
1 See p. 2f. — s Thus on fol. ‘2 a and 134a of the Br. Mus. Ms. — 8 Thus
fol. 134a. On fol. 2a this might be read l\ae. See p. 1, n. 5. — 4 See
p. 1, n. 5. Perhaps better to read with Yaqut I, 827: aaLw (.jL zj'i ^aaj
L $>j ^ and insert qJ ^cXe 0% • — 5 *~5 Omitted; see p. 1, n. 5. —
6 Ibu Duraid, 221, 1., 12; ms. qX-vaJi . — 7-7 v_j'laX5
^ae^-JI sLiii Jyz>\, olx>hil
J>.jj *aJIe ohi.j 0- -^5 5 CP' P- 20, n. 4 — 4. — 8 With the exception of this
date, fol. 134a uses numerals throughout. — 9 ^aIe. — 10 tiAXS5. — 11 Omitted.
— 11 Tag ad-Din Muhammad b. ‘All b. Yusuf b. Muyassar al-Qadi al-Fadil,
pied 677 H. ; see C. H. Becker, Bcitragc zur Geschichte Agyptens, Strassburg,
1902, vol. I, p. 18. — 13 ^JU.
2*
20
M P
_s_b» iulbLlb. (jyoi LCLv, s^Lfijt yit ,3y> J 2ya^ tty!
JabJi ‘vjLT \g*il*gj qt» jib l*/ 3 jbLtxJb. s'»Jum jo Li. ^jib
l\aX: iA.I^y! jLi «-jy yt 4lXj4>- ^jt»y 8yy*J yybl iUp-bt! yblij (Jljltj
ibyy ^ yybJt yy<- y tX*^1 J-iSUi gy^Lo JoO ^ 5yLcyJi lX*5>I y jJJt
w» f n P
olaXiax aJj s^yoj AJUfi!_j &L^5j cXLJb (j»LJt ^Jb! ^ ^ [jyLXiiJ!] y !
<£xJLX^b jJLxJl a.L*j>- ojb*o^lj jUb-iit _jyo ^ »yi. ^ jt*s
jywj y> yi! Ub: iobxb joLobl ^JtXr^ i_> o^b Ub i_ xxwjJtj
^^-b jbixj ^Mlf. tJJt y«j »y«. jb-i i3 ^J'X=>» » yi» ^ylxwJiJl q.
1*^1 ^15*^ ^3^_) ^*yAXJ L^^b Xa^« j.^0! 8lXJ^5. ^^x-bbjtjL
jy yt qJ ^y.5»yl lXas y! xXe yywiJI. lXjlXS
,_5^ y1 vly^! i5b> 7jyyali yxbsuJ! yb yyl! jty-It y*-^- O*
0*«Lj X.AAV ^^^lXaXJIJ J^'^‘ l*wX j. :^yJj j A'J J p X A j* jW L ^ ^»XxJ U l
a-5
^L&LiJl Ait JJli^aJ! y"v5^ ^JlS* J, r>l
> » >
yi5 rLy*y L?^0 & q-» jjbax^ yb. cr
^Jb 9ob.j yt Joj. (jybb tbbbS »y.s yyvj a_XXij Utile. yUp
- M «*P C
& |»LXiu Lo ^Jb julxi «.Li jbl *]»l J. ^513. yuo tty! jolb
The naiTative proper dealing with the Wilat Misr extends from folio
2 b to 133 a to which folios 137 and 138 must be added. On each side
of these folios seventeen lines in a clear Nashi script are found. The text
has for the most part been carefully supplied with diacritical points and
sporadically vocalized. The orthographical peculiarities are such as are
found to a greater or less extent in arabic manuscripts. Thus the letter
leaf is at times written in the lcufic style i=. In the majority of cases,
however, where it occurs at the beginning and in the middle of a word,
the scribe uses the form S', frequently omitting the upper stroke [^X.].
’-1 Omitted. — 2 Lp b5» inserted after this word. — s-3 Omitted. — *-A Op. p. 19,
n. 7 — 7. — 8 Becker, l.c. vol.I. p. 11 — 12, places the date of his death after 371 A.H.
See p. 3, n. 1 ; Subkl, II, 135. — 6 Cat. cod. d. 3Iss. Mus. Brit. vol. II, p. 549.
Fol. 134a clearly reads x^OLaj. Fol. 2a however seems to me to read as above.
See p. 1 , n. 5. — 7 See p. 10. — 8 Died 412 A. H. ; cp. SuyutX, Hum al-
Muhddara, vol. I, p. 165. — 9 See p. 16.
21
Indeed, when final, kdf resembles lam to so great an extent that, were
it not for the sense demanded by the word wherein it occurs, it would
be impossible to distinguish the two consonants from each other. In
marked contrast with this confusing authography is the diligence with
which the scribe has added certain signs in the case of other letters, to
avoid any such confusion. With very few exceptions ha is differentiated
from ha, by rewriting the former in a smaller size below the line and
final ha from ha’ at-td'nlth by placing its initial form over it.1 In two
cases sin has the three dots of the sin added in a reversed order beneath
it.2 Then again the use of hemza alone or with elif, waio and ya , is
rarely found. Where it occurs, it has for the most part been added by
P P
a later hand. Thus equal s- 1> s- and ! stands for |
= U"';L 5 for S [f?jU£s> = — ltsSj] and J for J [tj^j
= ^j]. Throughout the medda, wesla and sukiin , as well as numerous
vowel signs are later additions. Of the last the kesi'a is drawn slanting
down to the left, thus enabling the reader to distinguish it from a fetha
of the following line. As a still further aid, the final long vowel 7, which
in a very few instances is written defectively } has two
points placed under it.3 These dots, which in some modern prints, especially
those issued at Bairut, are used to distinguish the long vowel i from the
elif maqsura ,4 are in our manuscript inserted under both. In the first form
of the verbs whose third radical is ya or waw, the elif maqsura commonly
used to distinguish the final ya verbs from the final waw, is represented by
an elif In the derived forms of these verbs, it is written either with an
elif or a ya. The punctuation consists of two signs; the first, resembling
an initial ha 5 extended below the line and then curved up towards the
right corresponds to our period ; the second, two parallel lines drawn slanting
from right to left [//] is found in other manuscripts. Its signification,
however is unknown to me.
The margins are well covered with glosses. These are divisable into
corrections by the scribe and by later hands, a lexicographical note intro-
p
duced by the styreotype [i. e.], citations from other authors, numerous
indications of the matter treated in the text, and one orthoepic note
found on folio 11a. To the same hand which has written the last, most
of the marginal indications may be attributed. These, in the majority of
1 Wright’s Arabic Grammar [3rd ed.], vol. I, p. 4. — - ZDMG, XVIII, 287
and 781. J. A. s^rie, 9, vol. 17, pp. 525 — 528. — 3 Wright, vol. I, p. 10. —
1 Wright, vol. I, p. 4, note. — 5 Doubtlessly an abbreviation of
22
cases, refer to a new governor and to the death and proclamation of a
calif. Of less frequent occurence are referrences to the erection of a
building or a nilometer, the alteration of a mosque, the increase of taxes
and the like. The form of these notes is the same throughout, merely a
few words with a line over them placed opposite the line where the topic
commences. These I have omitted.
Of greater interest are the extracts from the history of al-Kindl’s
contemporary Ibn Yunus and the hitat of al-Quda‘l, written opposite the
lines of the text which they either supplement or contradict. Abu ‘Abdallah
Muhammad b. Salama b. (ja'far al-Quda‘11 a doctor of the feafi‘it,e sect,
1 Becker, Gesch. Egypt, u. d. Isl., vol. I, pp. 19 — 21. Brockelmann, Gesch.
Arab. Literatur, I, p. 843. Wiistenfeld, Geschichtsschreiber 199. MaqrizI,
muqaffa, Leiden 870, for the copy of which I am also indebted to Dr.
Juynboll, gives tbe following sketch: O' O^ o^
* * m P *
m £ m P w
0.^ kX*.^5 ^xoLaJl *-AaaJ!
w « P . . P
i«Xa£ kXxC y J kX«4*^*i
(_c^c o^^* O- O^ O^^ O- o^
w ,, t *• *» I ^ ^ O ^ ■»
CT- o^ c\>.c ^3
« . w P £ . «• Or
X*>S (jaLolSS JajlH iXa*a» qJ *Xa£ kX*.^ [Ms. ^j^.a11]
k.XKx*sJ 1
jXOJi ^.alxxJl ^ ^j-fcxv
,o>
oXx»yO jyix* qJlXJI ~ kX’^
jAyol sX-Aas*^ ^Xa%s&J
M £ Pm
olcLfwJ! ^a£T oLo‘^15 oUiJ! ^ wJLb ^ qaa^!
Xa^ j* olaXcbSlj v^A^xit
£ - P
j^vCo a* ^aJl 1 ^Xac
w M , £ MM £ M ^ OP
kXx-^5 l53^ kX^I <Xx^ j-jl}
I ^ M £ -
v^xa^aaJ! |*A%LaJl ^^Laoj^!! ^SLaJI Xac
O^LJ (jIaj^ vJi^iwO ^.Ji j.kXi XS3 ^Lxc O^ ^^5
m£ m * P
jkSi^Utwi abyaiiJi ^ww-yo i3l’ij j*a/o Lo ^
23
a»aCp»
and a qadi of Egypt was a compilor of various works. Chief of these is his
universal history from the creation to the year 423 A. H. known as kitab
‘ uyun al-ma'-arif. With this, the kitab al-anba' '’ala al anbiya wa tawarih
„ w * £
A-oljJi AAjhSj ^ qJ JJJA.il qJ J*.**li j*Qj* bLaSs's q-»
M P M .> M P
A*.^ NjL/J Jaav Nam y^lAAAvi! ^>-3 llT*
0b CP v— SjiLs UFjijb-^ 0*"y^ Q"? CT^ 0"w'*r'
aJ’j ydldJl u-o.^lX/0 0.kc I-jaRs S ^j.^La 0j! ^Ibj oU ^as>
.s „ _ „
See] sly? 0y»; 0^3 . ^1 oAi>j ^***3. |*j.JIe SAc 3. IaaRa/« a!JI
P P M « P
odjj.il* odR.~cil obd" 0jUt blit Joe yi a-Ae [p. 26 u. 1
P MW
^jS Jbbas volidj [Wtlst. 172] 0J ^.axJI ‘A.ae a£aa2/i 0t aj
I P P p P
AfiJi OBaJLj 0*0 aRc iAp»I 0/B. AjL^I JALiJS. OAJuJ 0j ^IaXaJI
P } A P M -
[Not in ms.] ^yl 0jb oy 0uX*a*J| ^ajST 0^ l\~I 0^ X+^ ^ aJJI A*ac
- m P m P P M
M P m P Pm
^A^* O*^ r^’ 0*? A^.^5
P MM P
gJ&Ji U VI>«X<W A4>^ £wU! y>£LJ gA&Jl Ui ^A.X^V* ^yl^vsC:
c£.Li2AJl nLS! Aa£ j-:! ^y£>l£Ji LlJ.^ j»A*5 A^tji! ^APyi qJ 1A+^
O M M OP # M
P mP m
CT* t3 ^j*^>AJ <3 [Ms. *"^;c] yBJ AJ I 0**J Bjl^b
^ O-M M P „
Li ^AsUiJl
i O M M MM
A^^ ^Ut lXac
Cj ~ > s
Vw-Ol^j L**^2 sAjLII \XJLj ^-A2,AAAV.il L^>*^ CT* (*^
p-Ip £. y o
\^/o\ ti.mi J. jU& J^xas ^cy>S jAi2^?. ^5 (j^lylSt ^qU olAail
«* O O ^ O ) M C O^M
oLoiJi I wJl&Aa^o xU!j Lii ^.a^j
Ja^Av Lc J2.«aJ! ^ii ^4^3 *aJ*c ^JLii L^^y0
J, [Ms. ocLp] yits yaJi* ot*^- ,7. y HAjUI 0*
-> O M M M M
,aaAa*.Is ^Lv. AaIe A.UI 0).AJ) aLII jj.0j OsXjf obiis L^jLbtl^ ^jLajO o.il
“ “ “ 9 \\ *
-jS' uU^* CJ"^
^^AAji i «N.A#W J ^
Ms. illegible de Goeje has suggested the above reading.
24
al-hulafa' mentioned by Abu-l-Fida1 and given by Brockelmann as a separate
work of al-QudaT is identical. For a comparison of the two manuscripts
of the kitab ‘ uyun al-maiarif at Paris and the copy of the Utah al-inba
'ala al-anbiyu etc. at Berlin,2 which I have made shows that the material
and its treatment are the same in all three. That these are in the original
form as composed by al-Quda‘1 is doubtful, as the colophon of Paris
Ms. Arabe, 1490 fol. 122 b states go^bJ! The subject matter
which at times is nothing more than the enumeration of proper names
gives one the impression that all three are abridgements of a larger work
and that the writers of the notes on fol. 4 a of Paris Ms. Arabe 1490,
^ a-' vijLj ^
(3 and *Ij(* ^j> tLu^Sf
^=>10 jA. L?eL*aftJi A+.S? xl!i Ai y\ j.bebSI »Ju*3 go,bdt
^^**5 Ljb S are corret. If such be accepted as
the case, Becker’s4 conjecture that the difference in title is due to the
fact that the older title, kitab ‘ uyun-al malarif having been lost, the first
words of the text, the same in both books, were substituted for it is highly
probable. In the case of the kitab nuzhat al-albab attributed to al-Quda‘I by ,
Brockelmann,5 we doubtlessly have the work of ‘All b. Muhammad al-Rauhl.
The confusion of the authors is due to al-Rauhi’s use of al-QudaTs kitab
uyun al-ma‘arif. This the former copied to a great extent, omitting
large portions [Adam to Higra, the governors and qadis of Egypt] and
adding on the other hand new material on the Omayyads of Spain and
the last of the Fatimide caliphs. This work of al-Rauhl, known as the
bulyat al-zurafa ila mar if at al-hulafa’, was later joined with al-QudaTs i
original and edited with the title kitab nuzhat albab. Of greater impor- j
t.ance is al-QudaTs topographical work designated by the glossator of our
text as the hitat misr.6 This book unfortunately has been lost. However,'
iiom the numerous citations found in later writers dealing with the'
archaeology of Egypt, a fairly accurate idea of its contents may be formed.
Maqrizi ', who cites it as one of his sources, gives it the fuller title, kitab\
^3 jjL, jU+il iAJ ajIAj OA.iL T Uli ^ yS>^
Aaj Jj-J Ajbo
1 Abu-l-Ffda, III, p. 189. — 2 Biblioth^que Natle. Ms. Arabes, 1490, 1491.
Ahlwardt, 9433 |Pm. II, 4], — 2 IH, II, 616. ftr. de Slane.] — 4 Becker, l. c.,
vol. I, p. 20. — c Brockelmanu, l. c., vol. I, p. 343, No. 33. — B Folio 57 b. —
7 Hit. I, 4-5, 122, 125, 206, 207, 230, 247, 251, 287, 298, 316, 330, 331, 343, 344,
j al-muhtar ft dikr al-Jxitat wa-al-ahbdr.1 Yaqut,2 who definitely states
s that he used this work at first hand, cites it, as Suyuti3 and Abu-l-Fida4
j| also do, by a shorter title, either hitat misr or al-hitat lil-Qudali. The
1 1 facts contained in it, and for which al-Quda‘I doubtlessly depended upon
| al-Kindl to a great extent,5 must have dealt with the archaeology of
i Egypt from its earliest times to the year 445 H. [1053/54 A. D.] and must
also have contained historical data. Al-Quda‘i’s remaining works show a
certain didactic and religious tendency. According to Maqrlzl6, he was
the author of a commentary on the Quran. His daqaiq al-ahbdr wa
hadd'iq al-iltibdr 7 was a collection of traditions dealing with the prophet
Muhammad. Then, extracting the moral maxims, proverbs and rules of
politeness from the sayings of the prophet s, he compiled what was generally
known as the lcitab as-sihab or kitdb sihab al-ahbdr d The traditionalists
mentioned in this book have been collected in an index, musnad as-sihab
or kitdb isnad as-sihab,10 by al-Quda‘1 himself, the original copy bearing
as the date of its completion Lrumada II, 453 H. [June 1061 A.D.] preserved
in the Escurial.11 Closely related to this, if not identical with it, is his
treatise on the sheikhs whom he met during his travels. Haggi Halifa12
attributes to al-Quda‘I a mandqib al-imam as-sdfdt, or a panegyric on the
| ilafi'ite leader Muhammad b. Idris.13 Closely connected with this is his
prose work on the saying of the calif ‘All b. Abl Talib.14
In addition to such literary work, representing a great number of
I sciences with which Ibn Makula states that al-Quda‘I was conversant,
al-Quda‘I devoted himself to transmitting traditions orally.15 Thus Abu
346, 385, 397, 408, 414—418, 419, 423, 457, 475, 479, 492; II, 137, 143, 146, 161,
178, 248, 251, 253, 255, 370, 436, 445, 455.
1 See pag. 24, note 7. — 2 Yaqat, IV, 551, 1. 9. Cp. Heer, Die historischen
und geograpliischen Quellen in Yaqut’ s geographisehem Worterbuch, p. 42. Perhaps
Ibn Duqmaq [Kitdb al-lntisar, index\ has also used this work. See n. 5. —
3 Husn al-Muliadara , I, pp. 2, 188. — 4 Ann. Musi. Ill, 189. — 6 The citations
of al-Kindl in Yaqut, II, 466 and III, 145 probably depend upon al-Quda‘I
who is cited immediately before. See p. 22. — 0 See p. 22, n. 1. — 7 Haggi
Halifa, HI, 232. — 8 Haggi Halifa, IV, 83. — fl Ibn Hallikan, II, 616 [ed. de
Slane] ; Subkl, Tabaqat a£-&dfi‘Tya, III, 62; Suyuti, Husn al-Muliadara, I, 188;
Hag. Half., IV, 83. Brockelmaun, l. c. vol. I, p. 843i. See [p. 22, n. 1.] —
10 Hag. Half., I, 240; Brockelmann, l. c. vol. I, p. 343 i. — 11 Wiistenfeld,
Geschichtsschr. 199. — 12 VI, 148. — 13 Subkl, Tab. as-Sdf. — 14 See p. 22, n. 1.
15 See p. 22, n. 1. Al-Amlr Abu Nasr ‘All b. Hibatallah b. ‘All b. Makula al-
Tgll, 421/9 — 475/9 or 486/7 [Brockelmann, l. c. vol. I, p. 354—5], Subkl, Tab. as-Sdf.,
Ill, 63; Suyuti, l. c., I, 188; Ibn Hallikan, II, 617. The passage Subkl and Maqrlzl
[see p. 22, n. 1] cite as coming from Ibn Makula is We., 334 fol. 161b, 1. 8f. :
O • f
o-
O’
j jJlii jji
26
‘Abdallah ar-RazI attended the recitations of the kitab al-muhtalif wa-l-
mu'talif and the kitab fadail abi Hanifa al-Nulman wa fadail ashabihi
wa man ahad ‘ anhu , the fh'st of which al-Quda‘I presented on the authority
of its composer ‘Abd al-GanT b. Sa‘id al-Azdl al-MisrT [f 934 A. D.]. 1
This same pupil of al-Quda‘T, if ar-Raz! may be designated as such, likewise
received orally from him a book by Abu-l-Qasim ‘Ubaidallah b. Muhammad
b. Yahya as-Sa‘dl.
Though occupied with such scholarly work, al-Quda‘I found time to
devote a portion of his life to serving the interest of the state. Having
studied traditions and Safi'ite law at Bagdad he took up his abode in
Egypt. Here, he held the office of deputy-qadi of Old Cairo, from which
position he was advanced to one of still greater trust, that of signing the
decrees of the wazlr Abu-l-Qasim ‘All al-Gargara‘1, whose hands the calif
al-Hakim had cut off. After al-GargaraTs death in 436 A. H. [1044/45
A. D.], al-Quda‘I must have continued his connections with public life, for
two years after his pilgrimage to Mecca, where he met Abu Bakr al-Hatlb
from whom he collected traditions,2 he visited the head of the Byzantine
Empire at Constantinople as an envoy of the Fatimide caliph al-Mustansir-
billahl.3 In 446 A. H. [1054/55 A. D.], the well known famine during the
rule of al-Mustansir had commenced in Egypt. It was doubtlessly in search
of relief that al-Quda‘i was sent to the Emperor, which the anecdote MaqrizT 4
recites hints at. His purpose, however, of procuring aid was frustrated by
intrigues of the Selguqs who brought about a complete rupture between
Egypt and the Byzantine Empire, which necessitated his return home. His
stay at Constantinople must have been of some duration, for according to
Subkl he collected historical facts concerning the city while there.5 Not
many years later, he died on Thursday, the seventeenth of Du-1-Qa‘da 454
A. H. [Nov. 1062 A. D.]; the funeral services being held in the Musalla
an-Naggar.
Abu Sa‘ld ‘Abd ar-Rahman b. Ahmad ibn Yunus as-Sadafl al-MisrT, 0
on the other hand, as far as is known, devoted himself entirely to the
3 Ac J, IaasX/o (jjyaii
o ~ £ w s-
| ins. jJJ! lXx£ . — 1 Broekelmann,
Lit.-Gesch. I, 166—168. — 2 Ibn Hallikan, II, 616. — 3 Ibn Hallikan, II, 617;
Subkl, Tab. aS-Saf. Ill, 63; Abu-l-Fida , III, 189. See p. 22, n. 1. — 4 Hitat,
I, 335 1. 8f. ; Becker, l. c. vol. I, p. 19; Muqaffa ; see p. 22, n. 1. — B Subkl,
Tab. ai-Saf., Ill, 63. — Suyutl, Husn al - Muhadara , I, 188; Ibn Hallikan,
II, 617, gives the date as the 16th of the month. Hitat Gadlda, X, 21. —
“ Wiistenfeld, Geschichtsschr. 121.
27
history of his native country / Born at Fustat, Egypt, in 281 A. H.
[894/95 A. D.]2 he was the grandson of the Safifite traditionalist Yunus
b. ‘Abd al-A‘lan and the father of the famous astronomer Abu-l-Hasan
‘All b. Abu Sa'ld.-* Of his private life nothing definite is known. That,
lbn Yunus was personally acquainted with al-Kindl might be deduced from
the fact that they both studied under an-Nasai. Indeed, the latter and
his own father seem to have been his chief instructors in traditions dealing
with Egypt.5 These he doubtlessly used in his ta‘rih misr and 'aqida
ft ta'rih as-salid. The first presumably, as Wiistenfeld 0 has pointed out,
contained two books, the greater treating of the lives of the natives of
Egypt, cited by Yaqut and Maqrlzl as ta'rih misr 7 or ta'rih al-misriyin
and the lesser giving an account of the most remarkable foreigners by
whom Egypt was visited.9 It is from this that one of our marginal notes
is taken. Here the book is called ta’rih al-guraba al-qadimin in isr. 1 u
Maqrlzl doubtlessly cites the same work as ta’rih al-guraba .ll As yet no
copy of either of these parts has been found. This is also the case with
lbn Yunus’ second book, which, as the title reads, is an account of the the
history of upper Egypt.12 Of the great value of these two chronicles there
1 SuyutI, Hum. al-Muh., I, 164. — 2 Tab. Huff’. XII, 17 gives the year
261 A. H. — 3 170— 264 A. H. See lbn Hallikan, 11,617; Subkl, Tab. aS-&af.
I, 279 f. — * Brockelmann, Gesch. Arab. Lit. 1,224. — 5 SuyutI, l. c. — u Ge-
schichtssclir. 121. — 7 Yaqut, II, 338; Heer, Hist. u. geogr. Quell en usw. pp. 41, 42;
Hitat, I, 108, 332; II, 123. Cf. text to fol. 39a. Also cited on fol. 17a, 28 b, 59a. —
B Yaqut, III, 427. — # lbn Hallikan, II, 93; Hag. Half., II, 148; lbn al-Faradl [erf.
Franc. Codera in Bibl. ar.-hisp., T. 7, 8, 1891, 1892, pp. 6, 256, 273] calls this
second part ta'rih abl misr wa-l-magrib, which would seem to show that it con-
tained biographies of men from north-west Africa. G . Kampfmeyer, in an interesting
article on a list of historical works, would attribute number 81 [Werke zur Ge-
scliichte Spaniens u. Nordwestafrikas in Mitteil. d. Sem. f. Or. Spr. Bert. IVest-
asiat. IX, pp. 84 and 99] ta'rih wafaydt gimd'at ahl al-andaliis by an Abu
Sa‘ld b Yunus to our lbn Yunus. This of course contradicts the statement of
SuyutI that he only wrote on Egypt [ Hum al-Muhadara , I, 164]. If SuyutI is
wrong in this statement, another of lbn Yunus’ works has become known to
us. On the other hand, if he be correct, the book mentioned in Kampfmeyer’s
list, might be considered a part of the second half of the whole ta'rih misr.
If such be the case, we might perhaps assume that this second part, given the
general title ta'rih al-guraba' [Chronicle of the strangers who visited Egypt]
was arrainged according to the countries whence the foreigners came; cp. fol.
39 a of our ms., where a ta'rih ijurabd by lbn Yunis is cited by a glossator. —
10 Fol. 39 a. — 11 Hitat, II, 114. — 12 Hag. Half. II, 105, IV, 244; cp. Wiisten-
feld, l. c. See preceeding notes and lbn al-‘Abbar, Takmila [ed. Franc. Codera
in Bibl. ar.-hisp. T. 5, 6, 1886, 1899], pp. 422 and 543; lbn Hallikan, index;
Abu-l-Fida, index; ad-Dahabi [Fischer, Biograph, von Gewdhrsmannern des ibn-
Ishaq , hauptsachlich aus ad,-Dahabi , Leiden, 1890] index; TagribardI, index;
SuyutI, Husn al-Muhddara, I, 2; lbn Duqmaq, index.
28
can be no doubt. Especially is this true of the ta'rih misr , the contents
of which are cited at first or second hand by later historians and com-
pilers of biographical dictionaries.1 This popularity is doubtlessly due to
Ibn Yunus’ prudence,2 and his knowledge of the rules of ‘ disapjrrobatiori
and ‘ approbation ’ governing the selection of material from oral traditions.
Al-Kutubi, indeed would have us believe that Ibn Yunus likewise treated
of these rules.3 The date or even an approximate estimate of the time
of the composition or completion of these works of Ibn Yunus is im-
possible. In the case of al-Quda‘l’s kitab luyun al-mafarif and hitat misr,
on the other hand, we may safely assume that they were completed soon
after the last date found in them, namely 423 (1031/32 A. D.) and
prehaps 445 A. H.7 [1053/1054 A. D.] respectively. For the musnad
as-sihdb, the date has been given by al-Quda‘I as 453 A. H. (1061 A. D.),
one year before his death during the famine, because of which he was
sent to Constantinople. Oddly enough, it was during a similar catastrophy
a trifle over a century earlier, that ihn Yunus died.4 For several days
he had been noticed administering to the famished and endeavouring to
alleviate the sufferings of the dying. On Sunday the twenty-sixth of
(jumada , II, 347 A. H.,5 [Sept. 15 958, A. D.] he was found dead with
those whom he had tried to help.
The corrections of the text especally those by the scribe himself,
follow to a great extent the rules laid down by the hadit critics. Where
the copyist has rewritten a word by mistake, he employs what an-NawawI
terms o yto [erasure] 0 to indicate the word or words not belonging to the
original. Of the different forms of this process, which is considered the
best , that given the special name of 7 is favoured most by the
scribe. This consists of a line drawn through the word, without obliterating
1 SuyutI, Husn al-MuhacIara, I, 164. — * M. Mar^ais iu the preface to his
translation of the taqrib of an-NawawI, J. A. sdr. IX, tomes, XVI — XVIII
[1900 — 1901], explains these two terms in the following sentences, ‘Dans la [cette]
critique de la valeur des rawis [traditionalists], on peut distinguer une partie
thdorique et une partie appliqude. La premiere est la Ma‘rifa al Tarh wa et-ta‘
dll [dtude de Vimprobation et de V approbation]. Elle a pour objet de determiner
les qualites qu’on doit exiger des rawis pour accepter leurs rdcits, et les ddfauts
qui rendent leurs informations suspects et rejetables [J. A. XVI, 321], See also
J.A. XVI [1900], p. 528; XVII [1901], pp. 132f., 142f., 146f. and E. E. Salis-
bury, J. A. O. S., VII, 70 for further details an j > and J. A. XVI [1900],
p. 480; XVII [1901], pp. 128, 129, 132, 142, 146; XVIII [1901], pp. 142, 143
and J.A. O.S. VII, 62, 63, 65 [66], 88 on — 3 Fawdt al-Wafaydt, I, 321. —
* al-Kutubl, Fawdt al-Wafaydt, 1,322. — 6 Ibn Hallikau, II, 93 f. ; Dahabl, Tab.
Huff. XII, 17. — 0 M. MarQais, J. A. XVII [1901], 534. — ’ M. Mar^ais, J. A.
XVII [1901], 535, n. 1.
29
the letters thereof. At times it seems as if the scribe, in order to follow
the last part of this rule, has purposely drawn the line through the tops
of the larger letters. In doing this he approaches what an-NawawI gives
as another form of u- the drawing of a line above the word to be
excluded , and the bringing of its ends down to the line. An exact par-
allel to this is not found in the first 134 folios of the manuscript.1 The
nearest approach to it is a straight line whose right end curves upward
being placed over the word to be omitted by the reader. Where the
copyist has omitted portions of the text , he has inserted a perpenticular
line bent at the top in the direction of the margin where the words to
be inserted are to be found. These , in four of the five instances which
occur , are written on the outer margin of the page , three from the line
where they belong towards the top, one towards the bottom of the page.
This is also the case with the fifth which has been added on the inner
margin of folio 83b. Here, as is also the case with that found on folio
110 a, the passage to be inserted is followed by ^ [= this is correct],
then the word which it is to preceed in the text, and then another g,
On folios 43b, 89b and 126b merely is added to the omission, a
somewhat better form of ‘annexation* [oU]', as it does away with any
possible confusion arising from the occurrence of the same word twice.
Where others than the scribe have corrected the text, their methods
vaiy. Thus in order to erase a word, lines have been drawn through it
with a pen. A word poorly written by the scribe has a cross under it
and is recopied on the margin. Where a reader has considered a woi'd
entirely wrong and wished to substitute another for it, he has scratced
it out with a pen and , in order to designate the woi'd to be read in its
place, employed the second form of ‘annexation* used by the scribe. Once
tbe correction has simply been written above the word in the text. By
far the greater number of corrections are those where the text simply
has what appear to be the numerals one two (*, and twelve IP over
it, the margin containing a better reading with either 8 or ^.(Lo or
placed above or after it. At times , these words are omitted. All the
glosses, however, with the exception of two which are found on the inner
1 Folios 135 ff. contain several instances of this. — 2 3 * * The scribe here again
follows to a great extent the rules laid down in the Taqr'ib an-Nawawi, J. A.
XVII [1901] 531—533.
3 An-Nawawi states that those who are fond of being precise busy themsel-
ves with the declaration of the accuracy or the weakness
of the text and the placing of latches over it. The first is expressed
30
margin, have been placed on the outer edge of the page and are written
from right to left.
As staded above,1 folio 131a has the note to the effect that Ibn
Zulaq continued the narrative from that point of the text opposite which it
is written. From here the script — it is also noticable on the folios pro-
ceeding this — has the appearance as if the copyist had tired of his task and
had hurried to reach the end of the book proper on folio 133 a, line five.
To this , lists of the fatimide caliphs and the Ayyubides [fol. 133 a] and
one of the Mamlukes [fol. 134 b] have been added. All three are written
in a poor hand with few diacritical points or vowels. These , as well as
the two notes at the bottom of folio 133 a, I shall add to the text proper.
by writing ‘exact*, , above a word, the other two, by placing a sign similar
to the letter (jo over one entirely wrong or giving a poor meaning to the text.
This mark is also placed where portions of a narrative have been omitted
[J. A. XVII (1901), pp. 533—34], The placed over or after the marginal
notes of the ms. has probably the same force as in the declaration of accuracy
mentioned by an-NawawX. The figure l4 is doubtlessly the same sign which an-
Nawawl says resembles and is place over mistakes and in lacunas. It is
interesting to note that in the magriby manuscript containing the list of histori-
cal works published by Kampfmeyer [Mitteil. Sent. Or. Spr. Ber. 1 Vestasiat.
IX, 74 ff.; see p. 76], the scribe has placed in the blank spaces, probably due
to his being unable to read the original, the two letters Kampfmeyer
interprets this as an abbrevation of the imperative of the second form and trans-
lates ‘verbessere du‘. If this be correct, then the sign S' might be considered as
a development from , which in turn is an abbrevation of the abbrevation ^.o
O w -
which equals . Lane, however, page 1761b, defines the term
as the puttiug the numerals S', S'4, etc. over each of two words to indicate that
the latter of those words is connected with or refers to the former of them.
This, on the other hand, would seem to favour a supposition that the signs in
our manuscript are numerals used here to refer to the margin instead of showing
grammatical relation of words. The found in the lacunas of the ms. used
by Kampfmeyer may in this case be the declaration of exactness on the part of
the copyist, who wished to called attention to the fact that the blank space
was correct according to the original before him. In similar breaks in the text
of the ms. of Ibn Hagar’s raf‘ al-ifr ‘an qudat mifr , Paris, 2149, the signs FI
has been placed. This would likewise seem to support the view that these three
marks are in reality numerals.
1 See p. 18.
Abbreviations found in the notes to text.
Ag. Abu 1-Farag ‘All al-IsfahanT, Kitdb al-Agdnt, 20 vols., Buliiq, 1285.
AF. Abu-l-Fiddi Annales Muslemici ar. et lat. op. et stud. I. J. Reiskii sumt.
atque ausp. P. Fr. Suhmii ed. J. G. Chr. Adler, T. I— rV, Hafuiae, 1789
—1794.
DF. Biographien von Gewahrsmannern des I bn Ishaq liauptsachlich aus ad-
Dahabl hsgb. v. August Fischer, Leiden, 1890.
DH1. Kosegarten, J. G. L., The Hudsailian poems., Loudon, 1854.
DPI2. Wellhausen, J., Letzter Teil der Lieder der Hudailiten, arab. und deutsch :
Skizzen und Vorarbeiten , Berlin, 1887.
DM. Muhammad b. Ahmad ad-Dahabi’s, Kitdb al-MuStabih ft Asmd’ ar-Rigdl,
edited by P. de Yong, LeideD, 1881.
DTH. Liber classiim virorum, qui Korani et traditionum cognitione excellerunt,
auct. Dahabio, edited by F. Wustenfeld, Gottingen, 1833 — 1834.
F. Kitdb al-Fihrist, hsgb. von G. Fltigel nach dessen Tode besorgt von
J. Rodiger und A. Muller. 2 Bde., Leipzig, 1871 — 1872.
Haz. Safi ad-Dlu Ahmad b. ‘Abdallah al-Hazragl, Tfulasa Tadliib Tahdib al-
Kamdl. Bulaq, 1301 H. .
HH. Lexicon bibligraphicum et encyclopaedicum a Mustaplia ben Abdallah
Kdtib Jelebi dido et nomine Haji Khalfa celebrato compositum, ed.
G. Fltigel, 7 vols. Leipzig-Londou, 1835 — 1858.
Hiz. ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Bagdadl, ffizanat al-adab, 4 vol., Bulaq 1287.
HT. Uamasae carmina cum Tabrisii Sclioliis ed. J. Freytag, 2 vol., Bonnae,
1828-1847.
IA. Ibn el-Athiri Chronicon ed. C. J. Tornberg, 14 voll., Lugd. Bat. 1851 —
1856.
IH. Ibn Doreid’s genealogisch-etymologisches Handbuch, hsgb. von F. Wiisten
feld, Gottingen, 1854. [kitdb al-iStiqdq],
IH. Ibn Khallikan s Biographical Dictionary Tratislated from the Arabic:
by MaeGuckin de Slane, 4 vols., Paris-Londou 1843 — 71
IHT. Tuhfa Dam-l-Arab von Ibn Hatib al-Dahiia, hsgb. von T. Mann, Leiden*
1905.
II. Abu-l-Barakat Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Iyils an-Nasirl, Bada’i ‘ az-Zuhwr
ft I Vaqd’V ad-Duhur, Bulaq 1311 — 1134 PI.
IQ. Abu Muhammad ‘Abdallah b. Muslim b. Qutaiba’s Kitdb al-Ma‘drif, hsgb.
von F. Wustenfeld, Gottingen, 1850.
IS. Ibn Sa‘d: Biographien Muhammads, seiner Gefahrten und der spdteren
Trager des Islams. Herausg. von E. Sachau, im Vereine mit C. Brockel-
mann u. a. Leiden 1904.
K. Muhammad b. Sakir al-Kutubl, Fawdt al-Wafaydt, 2 vols., Bulaq 1282 H.
Ka. The Kamil of el-Mubarrad by W. Wright, Lipzig. 1892.
M. al-Maqrlzl, al-Mawd‘iz ival-Ftibdr ft Dikr al-Ihtat wal-Atar. Bidaq, 1853.
32
N. an-Nawawi, The biographical dictionary of men ivho knew Muhammad,
edited by F. Wiistenfeld, Gottingen, 1842 — 1847.
Spr. 272, 278, 274, ad-Dahabi’s, tadhib at-tahdib; cp. the introduction to DF.
Sub. Abu Nasr ‘Abd al-Wahhab b. ‘All as-Subkl, Tabaqat as-Safi‘iyya 6 vols.,
Cairo, 1906.
Suy. Abu-1-Fadl ‘Abd ar-Rahman b. Abi Bakr as-Suyutl, Husn al-Muhddara
fl A]ibdr Misr wal-Qdhira, Cairo, [no date.]
T. Abu-l-Mahdsin ibn Tagribardi, Annales ed. F. G. Yuynboll et Matthes,
2 voll. Lugd. Bat. 1855 — 61.
Ta. Annales quos scripsit Abu Djafar Muhammad Ibn Djarir at- Tabari cum
aliis edidit M. J. de Goeje. Lugd. Bat., 1879 f.
We. 384. ‘All b. Hibitallah b. Makula, kitab al-ikmal fi-l-muhtalif wal-mu’talif
min asma’ ar-rigal; cp. Brockelmann, Gesch. Arab. Lit. I, 354.
Y. Mu'gam al-Buldan, Yacuts Geograpliisches Worterbuch hsgb. von F. Wiisten-
feld, 6 Bde., Leipzig, 1866—1873.
Ya. Ibn Wadhih, qui dicitur al-Ya‘qubi historiae, ed. M. Th. Houtsma, 2 voll.,
Leiden, 1883.
Where I have refered to the preceeding books in the introduction, I have
for the most part merely given the native author. Other works cited in the
introduction are:
Brockelmann, C., Geschichte der Arabischen Literatur, 2 Bde., Weimar, 1898 — 1902.
Becker, C. H., Beitrage zur Geschichte Agyptens unter dem Islam, 2 Bde., Strass-
burg, 1902.
Catalogus cod. Mss. qui in Musaeo Britannico asscrvantur pars II, cod. arab.
amplectens, 3 voll., London, 1876 — 1879.
Codera, Franc., al-Faradi in Bibl. ar.-hisp., vol. 7 — 8, 1891 — 1892.
Codera, Franc., Takmila in Bibl. ar.-hisp., vol. 5—6, 1886, 1889.
Ibn Duqmaq, Al-guz ar-Rdbi‘ wal-Hdmis min Kitab al-Intisar li- Wasitat al-Amsdr,
Cairo, 1893.
Evetts, B. T. A., Abu Salih: The Churches and Monasteries of Egypt., in Anccdota
Oxoniensis. Semitic Series P. VII.
Ewald, Geschichte der Muhammedanischen Erobcrung Agyptens nach den altestcn
Quellen in the Zeitschrift fur d. Kunde des Morgcnlandes, III, p. 332 f.
Fliigel, G, Al-Kindl genannt der Philosoph der Araber. Ein Vorbild seiner Zeit
und seines Volkes, in the Abhandl. f. d. Kunde des Morgenlandes, II, [1857].
de Goeje, M. J., Liber expugnationis regionum, [Baladurf s Futuh al-Buldan], Leiden,
1870.
de Goeje, M. J., al-BaludliorV s : Ansdb al-asclirdf , in the Zeit. d. Dent. Morgl.
GeseU. XXXVIII, p. 382 f.
Gottheil, R., A distinguished Family of Fatimidc Cadis in the Jour, of the Amer.
Or. Soc. XXVII.
Gottheil, R., Hasan ibn Ibrahim ibn Ziildk, in the Journal of the Amer. Orient.
Society. XXVIII, pt., 2.
Goldziher, I., Zur Charakteristik Geldl ud-din us-Suyiiti’s und seiner literar.
Tdtigkcit, in the Sitzungsberichtc der Konig. Acad. d. Wiss. zu Wien, LXIX,
p. 7—28.
33
Goldziher, I., Neue Materialien zur Litteratur des Uberlieferungswesens bei den
Muhammedanern in the Zeitschrift der Deut. Morgl. Gesell., L, p. 465 f.
Guest, A. R., Ike Foundation of Fustat and the Khittahs of that Town, in the
Jour, of Bog. As. Soc. Jan. 1907.
Hartmann, M., Zeilschr. f. Assgr. XIX. 342.
Ibn Hagr, raf‘ al-isr ‘ an qudat misr, Paris, Ms. Ar. 2149 of Bib. Nat.
Heer, F. J., Die historischen and geographischen Quellen in Jdqut’s geographischem
Worterbuch, Strassburg, 1898.
Juyuboll, Th. W., Le Livre de I’Impot fongier de Yahyd b. Adam. Leyden 1896.
Kampfineyer, G , WerTce zur Geschichte Spaniens und Nordwest Afrikas, in the
Mitteil. d. Sem. f. Or. Spr. Westasiat., Berlin IX.
Marcais, W., Le Tagrib de an-Nawdwi, in the Journ. Asiat. Ser. 9, vol. XVI — XVIII,
’ 1900—1901.
Maqrlzl, mugaffa, Ms. Leiden, 870.
Muller, Aug., Islam. 2 Bde., Berlin, 1885, 1887.
Ostrup, J., ‘ Umar b. Muhammad al-Kindi’s Beskrivelse of Agypten, in Bui. de
V Acad. Boy. Copenhagen, 1896, No. 4.
de Perceval C., Essai sur Vhistoire des Arabes avant V Islamisme, 3 vols., Paris,
1847—1848.
Qalqasandi, Die Geographie und Verwaltung von Egypten nach dem Arabischen
von F. Wustenfeld, Gottingen, 1879.
Salisbury, E. E., Contributions from original sources to our knowledge of the
science of Muslim Tradition , in the Jour, of the Amer. Or. Soc. VII, p. 60 f.
Sprenger, A., Das Leben und die Lehre Muhammads, 3 Bde., Berlin 1861, 1862,
1865.
Sprenger, A., On the Origin and Progress of writing down historical focts among
the Musalmans in the Journal of the Asiatic society of Bengal, XXV,
p. 303 f.
Tallquist, K. L., Ibn Said, Kitdb al-Mugrib ft Iluld al-Mai/rib, nebst einem Aus-
zug aus al-Kindi’s Ta‘rih Misr, Leiden, 1899.
Torrey, Charles C., The Mohammedan Conquest of Egypt and North Africa in
the Biblical and Semitic Series [Yale Bicentennial] New York, 1901.
Veth, P., Liber as-Sojutii de nominibus relativis [ Lubb al-Lubdb], Leiden, 1830 —
1832.
Wellhausen, J., Das Arabische Beich und sein Sturz, Berlin, 1902.
Wellhausen, J., Skizzen und Vorarbeit ungen, VI.
Wustenfeld, F., Die Geographie und Verwaltung von Agypten nach dem Arabischen
des Abu-l- Abbas al-Calcashandi, in the Abh, d. Gesell. d. Wiss. Gott. XXV.
Wustenfeld, F., Geneologischc Tabellen der arabischen Stdmme und Familien,
Gottingen, 1892.
WTiistenfeld, F., Die Geschichtsschreiber der Araber und Hire 1 Verke, Gottingen,
1882.
33
Text p. 11, n. 1, cp. M, II, 336, 1. 15.
Text p. 12, 1.1, M, II, 336, 1. 21 inserts after second word and
omits
Text p. 12, 1. 3, M, II, 336, 1. 23
Text p. 12, 1. 5, M, II, 336, 1. 24 for
Text p. 12, 1. 7, M, II, 336, 1. 25 inserts after
Text p. 12, 1. 8, M, II, 336, 1. 26 ^b.
Text p. 12, 1. 16, Ms. It.
Text p. 12, 1. 17, M, II, 336, 1. 31 0Ub for J^b.
Text p. 13, 1. 1, M, II, 336, 1. 35 bjij; ms. OjJLj .
Text p. 13, 1. 10, M, II, 336, 1. 36 o^b for 0jab.
Text p. 13, 1. 13, M, II, 336, 1. 37 reads ^=>\ Uls.
Text p. 15, 1. 14, M, II, 337, 1. 2 omits
Text p. 15, 1. 15, M, II, 337, 1. 3 reads for
Text p. 15, 1. 16, M, II, 337, 1. 3 reads for .
Text p. 15, 1. 17, M, II, 337, 1. 4 reads &Xc. lyili? ^b.
Text p. 15, 1. 23, M, II, 337, 1. 8 reads
Text p. 15, 1. 24, M, II, 337, 1. 4 omits from ^jb to
Text p. 16, 1. 1, M, II, 337, 1. 9 omits from
Text p. 16, 1. 5, M, II, 337, 1. 10 reads and ^ylb> A.; .
Text p. 16, 1. 14, M, II, 337, 1. 12 omits ,, of .
Text p. 16, 1. 16, M, II, 337, 1. 12 omits from jUs to and inserts
after pjlA.
Text p. 16, 1. 18 a, M, II, 337, 1. 12 omits.
Text p. 16, 1. 19, M, II, 337, 1. 14 omits . ... ^ Aba ^1/.
Text p. 16, 1. 19, M, II, 337, 1. 14 omits from ^>\ to
32
Text p. 8, 11. 8, M, II, 335, 1. 17 ^ib for for s- UCJb
V-AJ f£.
Text p. 8, 11. 9, M, II, 335, 1. 18 oytXj for ^io.
Text p. 8, 11. 10, M, II, 335, 1. 19 bjlXjLj for s^bj.
Text p. 8, 11. 12, M, II, 335, 1. 19 for ^ .
Text p. 8, 11. 12, M, II, 335, 1. 23 ^ bj^s-j, by?]
ii)Jb ^ Jui^. [jjjjJ! ^ y, the bracketed has fallen out
of our text.
Text p. 8, 1. 13, M, II, 335, 1. 13, to omitted.
Text p. 8, 1. 14, M, II, 335, 1. 14 y> omitted.
Text p. 8, 1. 26, M, II, 335, 1. 22 Ijobl ^t hll.
Text p. 9, 1. 1, M, II, 335, 1. 14 JbJ; yb*j jobsb!; ms. eLJf.
Text p. 9, 1. 2, M, II, 335, 1. 22 omits *-J!.
Text p. 9, 1. 3, M, II, 335, 1. 24 LJLib.
Text p. 9, 1. 4, M, II, 335, 1. 24 for
Text p. 9, 1. 5, M, II, 335, 1. 25 ^b.
Text p. 9, 1. 12, M. II, 335, 1. 25 ... ^jbS 3b for . . . O*.^**,.
Text p. 9, 1. 19—20, M, II, 335, 1. 29 _bj
Text p. 9, 1. 22, M, II, 335, 1. 31
Text p. 9, 1. 23, M, II, 335, 1. 31 ^Jb*; ms. cp. Ta, I, 2986,
IS, III, I, 49, read thus with p. 15 24.
Text p. 10, 1. 2, M, II, 335, 1. 35 omitting preceeding four words.
Text p. 10, 1. 10, M, II, 335, 1. 39 cp. Ibn Duqmaq, Y, 7,
Text p. 10, 1. 12, M, II, 336, 1. 1 . . . 1 ^x^i- omits y>(.
Text p. 10, 1. 17, M, II, 336, 1. 3 Lit for lit.
Text p. 10, 1. 17, M, H, 336, 1. 4 for rJo etc.
Text p. 10, 1. 18, M, II, 336, 1. 4
Text p. 10, 1. 19, M, II, 336, 1. 5
Text p. 10, 1. 23, M, II, 336, 1. 7
Text p. 10, 1. 24, M, II, 336, 1. 7 jjt for j.jt.
Text p. 10, 1. 25, M, 13, 336, 1. 8 ^ for Lr_*bi omits until
p. 11, 1. 1
Text p. 11, 1. 6, M, II, 336, 1. 8 Job! ^ for Jsi second £ as^.
ADDENDA
Introd. p. 7, n. 8, Ahmad Kamel: Rectification des noms Arabs des
auciens rods d’Egypte in Bull, de I’instit. Egypt., 1903, p. 90,
mentions the fact that al-Kindl added a diwan to the hitat tnisr.
Introd. p. 13, 1. 32 ff., Y, II, 466, III, 883 states that Ibn Qudaid was the
teacher of Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Yaza’irl who died 368 A.H.
Introd. p. 15, n. 4, cp. p. 7, n. 8 and p. 11, 1. 9ff.
Introd. p. 15, 1. 22, Suyuti, I, 239, olsJ"! jJ I (*3UY)
A j£>\ •
Introd. p. 17, 1. 13, as-sihaba.
Introd. p. 18, 1. 9, wulat.
Introd. p. 20, 1. 18, Wulat.
Introd. p. 21, 1. 12, l> for l
Introd. p. 23, 1. 3, al-anbiya .
Introd. p. 26, 1. 10, Saflite.
Introd. p. 27, n. 8, Brockelmann; Talqlh fuhum ahl al-atar , 1892, p. 8.
Introd. p. 28, 1. 37, on.
Introd. p. 30, 1. 3 stated.
Text p. 3, 11. 20—21 = M, I, 288 21.
Text p. 4, 11. 1 ff. = M, I, 294 9.
Text p. 4, 11. 5ff = M, I, 163 it.
Text p. 4, 11. 10 f. = M, I, 160 30.
Text p. 7, 11. 12, M, II, 335, 1. 10 o^LJ! placed before
Text p. 7, 11. 15, M, II, 335, 1. 10 ^LJ for
Text p. 7, 11. 15, M, II, 335, 1. 10
Text p. 7, 11. 16, M, II, 335, 1. 11 omits from to
Text p. 8, 11. 1, M, II, 335, 1. 11 for the suff ^ .
Text p. 8, 11. 1, M, I, 335, 1. 11 for
IaP .
Text p. 8, 11. 2, M, II, 335, 1. 12 before
Text p. 8, 11. 2, M, II, 335, 1. 12 inserts a^ter
Text p. 8, 11. 4f., M, II, 335, 1. 13 f. numerous variants.
30
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16 See Y, Hulivan.
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1 Suy, I, 127; Haz, 336. — 2 Ms. v„ ajS. — 3 Marg. aS? ^JUUaj xiLu;
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1 Text aU! with above reading followed by written over it. — 2 M,
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25
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8 Wiistenfeld, Statthalter, 29, n. 2; M, I, 228; T, I, 149. — 9 M, I, 301, it. —
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